What Is the Status of Congressional Modernization? (with Rep. Stephanie Bice)

The topic of this episode is, “What’s the status of congressional modernization?"My guest is Representative Stephanie Bice, who is the chairperson of the Subcommittee on Modernization and Innovation in the US House of Representatives. She also sits on the Committee on House Administration, which has jurisdiction over a lot of aspects of the legislative branch’s operations.Rep. Bice is a Republican who has represented Oklahoma's 5th Congressional District since January 2021. She previously served in the Oklahoma state legislature from 2014 to 2020. Prior to that, she worked in business for her family’s technology company and ran her own marketing firm.This is Rep. Bice’s second time on this podcast. Not long ago, she spoke to us about how the House of Representatives could better prepare new members.Read the full transcript here.

The topic of this episode is, “Does Congress need a Congressional Capacity and Technology Office?”Congress has a reputation for being behind the times when it comes to technology. Legislators often do not understand new technological developments, and the Hill itself has lagged in adopting technology. I recall being employed at a legislative branch support agency, and we were handed Blackberries while the rest of the country was using iPhones and Androids.So what can be done to help Congress catch up? A solution has been suggested by the POPVOX Foundation, a nonprofit organization that tries to “help democratic institutions keep pace with a rapidly changing world.” It has proposed that Congress create a Congressional Capacity and Technology Office.Here to talk with me about this idea is Aubrey Wilson, POPVOX's Director of Governmental Innovation and Global Initiatives. Aubrey has been working on congressional reform for a long time. She previously served as Deputy Staff Director for the Committee on House Administration. In this role, she coordinated efforts to make the House work more effectively. Prior to that, Aubrey and I worked together on governance reform at the R Street Institute. Aubrey also edits the Future-Proofing Congress newsletter, which informs Hill staff of “operational improvements and new resources on and off the Hill” that make their jobs easier.So who better to have discuss this topic?Read the full transcript here.

The topic of this episode is, “Why should we care about Congress's power of the purse?”Well, we are just getting through the FY2026 budget process, which Congress was supposed to finish nearly half a year ago. And the next budget process has begun.During the second administration of Donald Trump, we have seen an escalation of the longstanding battle between the executive branch and the legislative branch over federal revenue-raising and federal spending. Mr. Trump famously unleashed the Department of Government Efficiency, and he has refused to spend money appropriated by Congress. In other cases, he has repurposed money appropriated for one purpose to another purpose. And this is to say nothing of some of the peculiar revenue-raising maneuvers he has made, such as seizing oil from Venezuela, selling it, and then tucking the money in an overseas bank account.Should we be bothered by any of these doings? Should we really care whether Congress or the president exerts more or less power over the federal purse?To discuss these questions, I have with me Shalanda Young, who has an extraordinary amount of expertise and experience in federal budgeting matters. Ms. Young presently is a Distinguished Scholar in Residence and Adjunct Professor of Law at New York University’s law school.Previously, Ms. Young was the Director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget from 2021 to 2025. In that position, she also led the development of all four of President Joseph Biden’s budgets and presented them before Congress each year. She was also a lead negotiator for the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023 that averted a first-ever debt default and lifted the Nation’s debt ceiling. Ms. Young came to the executive branch with a load of legislative branch experience. She worked for the House Appropriations Committee for nearly 15 years and served the Committee as the Staff Director.So who better to discuss Congress’s power of the purse?Read the full transcript here.

The topic of this episode is, “What’s wrong with Congress?”I can’t recall the last time I met someone who said, “Congress is doing great. The first branch of government is getting things done and playing its central role in our Constitutional system.Nope. Almost everyone who shares their feelings about Congress with me despairs of the state of our national legislature. They think that it is playing second or third fiddle to the president and the courts.So what’s wrong with Congress? And are things as bad on Capitol Hill as we are told?Usually on this podcast I have a guest who answers my questions. But this time around I am going to share my own thoughts. So let me give you my top line conclusion before I share my thoughtsYes, Congress has some real problems. But it is not a hopeless case; nor is it as bad as it seems. Moreover, legislators, Hill staff, and we the people can improve Congress and revive representative government. We really can.Read the full transcript here.

The topic of this episode is, “What is the primary problem?”Every two years, we have congressional elections, which feature both primary elections and general elections. For nearly everyone who listens to this podcast, this seems like an eternal feature of governance system: primary elections are used to winnow the candidate field, and then general elections give voters the choice between two or maybe three finalists.But in truth, congressional primaries are a more recent development in our political history. They became the norm only about five or six decades ago.And like any other system of rules—be it the laws restricting investments or the rules of baseball—primaries are imperfect and susceptible to gaming by the players. Worse, according to some critics, primaries are fueling toxic partisanship within Congress and curbing its capacity to serve the public.Is there a primary problem? And what is this problem? To help us think through this subject I have with me Nick Troiano. He is the author of The Primary Solution: Rescuing Our Democracy from the Fringes (Simon & Schuster, 2024). Nick is the executive director of Unite America, an organization that advocates for nonpartisan election reform and alternatives to partisan primary elections.Click here to read a full transcript of the episode.

The topic of this episode is, “What are congressional norms and why do they matter?”To many Americans, the United States Congress appears to be a rather nasty place. There are lawmakers calling each other names, introducing resolutions to censure legislators and boot them off committees, and generally behaving towards one another in beastly ways. At least twice in the last few years there were moments when it appeared a couple of members of the House of Representatives might well throw punches at one another.There is a lot of constitutional and procedural hardball being played in both the Senate and the House. Members are ignoring long-agreed-upon rules or stretching their meanings to justify partisan power plays.All of which prompts the question, “Is Congress losing the norms that once helped facilitate collective action amongst representatives and senators?My guest for this episode is Brian Alexander. He is an Associate Professor of Politics at Washington and Lee University. Brian is also the author of A Social Theory of Congress: Legislative Norms in the Twenty-First Century (Lexington Books, 2021), and he is the editor of a new volume titled The Folkways of Congress: Legislative Norms in an Era of Conflict (Brookings Institution Press, 2026).Click here to read a full transcript of the episode.

The topic of this episode is, “Should Congress pass a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution?”The federal government experienced a shutdown in autumn 20025, which is one of many that have occurred in the past 20 years. The nation also has racked up about $38 trillion in debt, and Congress and the president have not taken real action to right America’s fiscal ship.So should Congress pass a balanced budget amendment to the US Constitution?My guest Kurt Couchman says ‘Yes, it should.’ Kurt is the author of the new book, Fiscal Democracy in America: How a Balanced Budget Amendment Can Restore Sound Governance (Palgrave MacMillan, 2025).Kurt has been kicking around Capitol Hill for about 15 years. Presently he is a senior fellow at Americans for Prosperity, a group that promotes the principles and policies of economic freedom and liberty. Previously, Kurt worked for two members of Congress, and has had stints at the Cato Institute and the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, among other gigs. He has spent a lot of time engaged with Congress on matters relating to federal spending and the budget, so I am delighted to have him here with us to discuss the idea of a balanced budget amendment to the US Constitution.Click here for the full transcript to the episode.

The topic of this episode is, what are budget rescissions and pocket rescissions?Rescissions have been in the news recently. This past July President Donald J. Trump sent the House and Senate a rescissions message. This memorandum requested that Congress rescind, or take back, spending authority it had previously granted. Congress passed the legislation, which cut $9 billion from foreign aid, the U.S. Institute for Peace, and the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. A rescission of funds has not occurred since 1999, when former President Bill Clinton, a Democrat, struck a deal with the Republican-held House and Senate.Now the Trump administration is attempting a maneuver called a “pocket rescission.” What’s a pocket rescission? To answer that question I have as my guest my colleague, Dr. Philip Wallach. He is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. He is a colleague and a friend. At AEI he studies America’s separation of powers, with a focus on regulatory policy issues and the relationship between Congress and the administrative state. His latest book is Why Congress (Oxford University Press).Click here for a full transcript of the episode.

The topic of this episode is, “Was James Madison the first majority leader?”Both the Senate and the House of Representatives have a majority leader. At the time of the recording this podcast, Republican John Thune of South Dakota is the Senate majority leader, and Republican Steve Scalise of Louisiana is the House majority leader.Now, congressional scholars tend to argue that the majority leader emerged as a position in each chamber in 1899. Democrat Arthur B Gorman of Maryland was the first Senate majority leader, and Republican Sereno Elisha Payne of New York was the first House majority leader.My AEI colleague Jay Cost has a different view. He thinks the first majority leader appeared on Capitol Hill far earlier, and it was Virginia’s James Madison. So, we’re going to discuss that claim, which you can find in his recent piece, "Icons of Congress: James Madison — The First Majority Leader."So, we’re going to discuss that claim.Dr. Jay Cost is the Gerald R. Ford nonresident senior fellow at AEI and the author of the superb book, James Madison: America’s First Politician (2021), and other fine volumes on politics and history. Regular readers of UnderstandingCongress.org no doubt have seen Jay’s various reports and essays, and if you have not seen them, do have a look.Click here to read the full transcript.

The topic of this episode is, “Does Congress's power to declare war mean anything?”In June of 2025, President Donald J. Trump directed US aircraft to drop 30,000 pound bombs on nuclear facilities in Iran. Some legislators in Congress and some media complained that this was a violation of the US Constitution. They note that Article I, Section 8 declares, “Congress shall have the power to declare war.” That same article of the Constitution also empowers the legislature to “provide for the common defense.”So, was the President’s action constitutional or not? And does Congress’s power to declare war mean anything?To help us think through these questions I have with me my AEI colleague, Gary Schmitt. He is the author of many books and articles on American government and he has written extensively on legislative and presidential war-making.Click here to read the full transcript.