One vote can shape the future of local communities and politics

Lee Soo-hwa The author is a research professor of Big Data Innovation Convergence College at Seoul National University and the head of the AI Center at DLG Law Corporation. AI's next battleground is not the data center but the living room. The valuation of Boston Dynamics, a robotics company under Hyundai Motor Group, has reportedly climbed to around 30 trillion won ($19.6 billion). Meanwhile, LG Electronics recently launched Axium, its robotics actuator series, and announced plans to become a vertically integrated robotics company. "The appliance of the future is a humanoid," Seoul National University Prof. Jang Byung-tak said, capturing a shift that is reshaping investor sentiment. This is not just another technology stock rally. Investors in western Seoul's Yeouido and on Wall Street are placing a premium on the moment when AI, once confined to generating text on screens, enters the physical world through machines equipped with motors and metal frames. Behind this shift is a new understanding of intelligence. Intelligence is no longer viewed as the product of calculation alone. Humans do not record the world as cameras do; instead, they create meaning through interactions shaped by perception, experience and emotion — a process that cognitive science refers to as embodied cognition. Industrial robotic arms operate in highly controlled settings, where they repeat predefined tasks. Future humanoids, however, must function in far less predictable environments. A family living room, where children leave their toys scattered across the floor, presents challenges that do not exist on an assembly line. As a result, the humanoid race involves more than computing power. People constantly create unexpected situations. They can alter the location of furniture and other household items. They can dirty the floor. Even the seemingly simple act of washing dishes could require adaptation. The longstanding AI ambition of categorizing the world and governing it through fixed rules is insufficient for such conditions. Humanoids must learn by interacting with reality rather than relying solely on preprogrammed responses. Competition has already become global. China's Unitree is pursuing aggressive expansion with relatively affordable humanoid robots. Tesla and major U.S. technology companies have begun deploying robots in their own factories. Korean firms are responding with advanced manufacturing capabilities. The key question is not who possesses the most sophisticated algorithm but who can build machines capable of functioning in imperfect human environments. The standards used to assess corporate value are also changing. Investors increasingly reward companies that move beyond controlled settings and into everyday life. The premium goes to those capable of recovering after failure and adapting to unexpected variables. Machines are no longer digital ghosts confined to screens. They are entering daily life in physical form. The future will belong to machines and organizations that can withstand real-world shocks and continue learning from them. A machine that never falls can never learn how to walk. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is the head of the United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea and a former ambassador to the Mission of the Republic of Korea to Asean. Located in the Daeyeon-dong area of Nam District, Busan, the United Nations Memorial Cemetery in Korea was established in January 1951 by the United Nations Command during the height of the 1950-53 Korean War to bury fallen service members. In 1955, after Korea's National Assembly decided to donate the cemetery site, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution placing the cemetery under permanent UN management. As the UN Memorial Cemetery marks its 75th anniversary and Korea observes its annual month of remembrance and patriotism, it is worth reflecting on what kind of space this unique site should become in the years ahead. The cemetery is more than a burial ground. It is both a repository of history and a valuable urban green space woven into the daily lives of Busan's 3.24 million residents. Last year, approximately 470,000 people visited the site. Through the end of March this year, visitor numbers had already reached 120,000, a 50 percent increase from the same period a year earlier, putting the cemetery on track to surpass 600,000 visitors by the year's end. The question is how far such a place should be opened to the public while preserving the solemnity of its mission. The future of the UN Memorial Cemetery should be guided by three principles. First, the cemetery must remain, above all else, a place of remembrance. It is the resting place of 2,339 service members from 14 countries who sacrificed their youth and lives in defense of Korea's freedom and peace. For that reason, management principles should remain consistent with those of major international military cemeteries such as the Arlington National Cemetery in the United States and the Normandy American Cemetery in France. Dignity and solemnity must be preserved. Access to lawns should continue to be primarily for memorial and visitation purposes, while excessive noise and recreational activities should be limited. The significance of the cemetery has not diminished with time. Since 2015, 37 Korean War veterans who died in their home countries have been reinterred at the cemetery. Just last month, one Dutch veteran and two French veterans returned to rest beside their comrades. Since 2017, the annual Turn Toward Busan ceremony has been held every Nov. 11. At 11 a.m., people around the world are invited to observe one minute of silence facing Busan, where the cemetery is located, to honor those who fought in the Korean War. Veterans and bereaved families continue to travel long distances to revisit the cemetery, and some veterans choose it as their final resting place. They do so because the site retains the dignity expected of a memorial space and because Korea's government and citizens continue to remember their sacrifice and service. At the same time, selected green areas may be used in ways that are more accessible to the public. People can walk quietly through nature, students can participate in educational forest programs and international visitors can experience Busan's identity as a global city committed to peace. Such activities, however, should be carefully aligned with the character of the site. Rather than functioning as a picnic destination or venue for commercial festivals, the cemetery is better suited to small concerts with commemorative themes, lectures on peace and history and ecological education programs that reinforce its purpose while maintaining its dignity. Second, it is important to distinguish between different types of events. Memorial ceremonies should continue to be held near the principal cemetery grounds and symbolic areas where the flags of the United Nations and 24 nations are displayed. Cultural events, by contrast, could be considered in green spaces or near the UN Forces Monument, provided they take forms consistent with remembrance and reflection. Decisions regardin...

The author is a professor of communications at Seoul National University. The heated local elections have come to an end. Yet more significant than the outcome itself is the fact that the infrastructure of political participation has shifted rapidly toward YouTube Shorts and large political YouTube channels. Algorithm-driven media continuously recommend content similar to what users have already watched. Shorts are even more powerful because videos begin playing automatically. Even when televised debates contain substantive policy discussions, a verbal slip or awkward facial expression is often edited with captions and repackaged into a clip lasting only a few seconds. Stripped of context, such content spreads rapidly and can cloud voters' judgment as much as misinformation. The problem is that these videos have become a major campaign element through a combination of political fandoms, funding structures and platform algorithms. Korea has relatively strict election reporting rules. Various review bodies monitor election coverage to uphold fairness, balance and political neutrality. Unfortunately, however, the regulatory framework remains focused on established media organizations and has failed to reflect YouTube's growing influence. Traditional media and political advertisements are subject to extensive regulation, including YouTube channels operated by news organizations and videos produced by online news outlets. Yet the influence of political YouTubers, despite their enormous reach, remains largely outside the system. The current problem cannot be solved by selectively regulating individual creators or publicly criticizing global platform executives. YouTube has adopted certain transparency measures. During elections, its algorithm prioritizes authoritative news sources in search results. Political advertisements also require disclosure of advertiser identities and spending. Such transparency enables political parties, civic groups and citizens to monitor campaign activities. In Korea, however, online political advertising is prohibited, leaving these measures largely inapplicable. Instead of official paid advertising, large-scale political campaigns often take place through political YouTube channels. Super Chat donations, merchandise sales, product placements and bank account information displayed in subtitles all serve as channels for financial support. Cases occasionally emerge that raise suspicions of undisclosed relationships between politicians and channel operators. Across the political spectrum, content that blurs the line between fact and fiction is frequently repackaged into hundreds of short clips and distributed widely. Political bias in the media is an old problem, but institutional trust differs from identity-based trust. Established media organizations are not perfect, yet they operate through editorial review, verification and oversight systems. Some degree of gatekeeping exists. Trust in political YouTubers functions differently. It is often based on shared identity, emotional attachment and a sense of solidarity among followers. Political YouTube content typically relies on emotionally charged language centered on concepts such as good and evil, loyalty and betrayal. Communication that appeals to emotion is often more effective at motivating action than communication based on reason. The longer-term consequences are even more troubling. Rather than strengthening citizenship through participation in elections, this media environment risks making thoughtful citizens increasingly cynical while leaving only political hooligans as active participants. Some argue that because both sides of the political spectrum have extreme YouTube channels, balance is maintained overall. This is a mistake. Interestingly, comment sections on highly partisan political YouTube channels are sometimes more polite than those on major portal sites. Portal sites at least bring together people with different views. Political Y...

The local government leaders elected Wednesday face difficult challenges. The same is true for the central government, which postponed tough decisions until after the vote. Korea faces the "three highs" of inflation, exchange rates and interest rates, while stock market volatility and housing market risks are also growing. None of these issues can be resolved easily. Inflation remains a major concern. Consumer prices rose 3.1 percent last month, the fastest increase in two years and two months. The government has spent heavily to suppress fuel prices through a petroleum price cap policy. Without that measure, inflation likely would have been even higher. The policy's side effects are becoming clearer. Overseas package tour prices rose 26.3 percent last month, reflecting broader increases in travel-related costs. This suggests the policy weakened consumers' sensitivity to high oil prices and encouraged greater fuel consumption, a consequence critics had warned about. The won remains in the 1,500-per-dollar range. A weak currency does not necessarily signal a crisis, but it reflects the broader condition of the economy. It also raises import costs, increasing production expenses for companies that rely on foreign raw materials and adding pressure to domestic prices. Interest rates present another challenge. The Bank of Korea strongly signaled a policy rate increase in July. The upper end of five-year fixed mortgage rates at commercial banks has already climbed above 7 percent. Higher rates increase debt-servicing burdens and reduce household spending. The stock market also requires caution. Although the Kospi has approached the 9,000-point level, gains have been concentrated in semiconductor-related shares and volatility has increased. Housing risks are equally serious. Seoul apartment prices continue to rise and the rental market remains unstable. Policymakers should prepare for the possibility that profits from soaring semiconductor stocks and large performance bonuses could flow into housing. Recent housing pension data highlight this trend. Between January and April, 927 people terminated their reverse mortgage contracts, up 38 percent from a year earlier. The increase suggests many homeowners expect housing prices to rise further. The combination of a semiconductor boom, a weak currency and elevated inflation is likely to intensify inflationary pressure. Candidates who campaigned on cash-based welfare measures such as local currency programs should recognize these realities and abandon policies that could worsen inflation. The central government should also avoid relying on strong tax revenues to expand spending and instead focus on structural reforms and long-term investments that can strengthen Korea's economic fundamentals. The election is over. The economic concerns are not. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo The government has decided to sharply increase stock investments by the National Pension Service (NPS), which manages the retirement savings of the Korean public. The decision was approved on Thursday by the National Pension Fund Management Committee. At that meeting, the committee raised the target allocation for domestic equities to 20.8 percent from 14.4 percent, a dramatic increase. The move itself was not entirely unexpected. What raised greater concern was the committee's decision to give the NPS more flexibility to exceed the target. It significantly expanded the allowable range for so-called strategic asset allocation, enabling the fund to purchase more domestic stocks in the short term. Previously, the range was set at 5 percentage points. This time, however, the committee declined to disclose the revised figure, arguing that doing so could affect the fair execution of fund management and disrupt financial market stability. That explanation is difficult to accept. If disclosure threatens market stability today, why was the figure publicly available in the past? Many market participants believe the range has been widened to around 10 percentage points. If that estimate is correct, the NPS could raise its domestic equity allocation to more than 30 percent. As of the end of March 2026, the fund held more than 320 trillion won ($221 billion) in domestic stocks. The new framework could allow holdings to increase by more than 100 trillion won. Investors are understandably pleased. More buying by the NPS could provide additional support for stock prices. Yet from the perspective of retirement security, the decision raises legitimate concerns. Health and Welfare Minister Jeong Eun-kyeong, who chairs the committee, said the measure would improve both profitability and stability while taking financial market conditions into account. Critics, however, question whether the pension fund is being used to support the stock market. The long-term consequences are impossible to predict. No one knows whether Korean stocks will continue rising or eventually decline. If prices keep climbing, the pension fund will benefit. If markets fall after the NPS expands its exposure, losses will ultimately be borne by the public whose retirement savings the fund manages. Recent performance may encourage optimism. The NPS earned strong returns from domestic equities last year and in the first quarter of this year. But high returns are never guaranteed. High risk and high reward are inseparable. The fund's own history illustrates the point. Between 2011 and 2025, the NPS did not produce gains every year. It recorded losses roughly once every three years. Three of those years saw double-digit negative returns: minus 10.34 percent in 2011, minus 16.77 percent in 2018 and minus 22.76 percent in 2022. Even the best baseball hitter cannot avoid occasional strikeouts. Investment performance follows a similar pattern. Another troubling aspect of the decision is the lack of transparency. The committee has not disclosed the basis for expanding domestic stock investment, nor has it revealed what arguments were exchanged during the Thursday meeting. That prompted the Pension Research Society, a group of pension experts, to question whether the decision was based on long-term analysis of returns and risks or was simply an improvised response to immediate market pressures. The meeting minutes will not be released until late May 2030 under the National Pension Act. By then, the current administration will be nearing the end of its term. In practice, the public will have to wait for years before learning how such an important decision was made. The contrast with the Bank of Korea is striking. The central bank typically publishes minutes of Monetary Policy Board meetings within about 20 days and explains policy decisions through press conferences held by the governor. The pension fund committee does neither...

Today is Election Day for Korea's June 3 local elections. Voters will choose governors, mayors, county chiefs, district heads and local council members who will serve four-year terms. Elections for provincial and metropolitan education superintendents, who help determine the direction of elementary, middle and high school education, will also be held. Local elections carry significance comparable to presidential and parliamentary elections because they determine who will oversee policies that directly affect residents' daily lives. Road maintenance, public transportation, welfare services, regional development and education are all matters handled by local governments and elected officials. Depending on where they live, voters in this election may receive as many as eight ballots and must choose among numerous candidates. Evaluating the promises and qualifications of candidates ranging from mayoral contenders to district council hopefuls is no easy task. Even in education superintendent races, multiple candidates from progressive and conservative camps are competing, making it difficult for some voters to recognize even their names. Yet grassroots democracy cannot function without individual participation. Before heading to the polls, voters should review campaign materials delivered to their homes or consult information provided by the National Election Commission. Examining candidates' policy proposals and personal backgrounds can help citizens make more informed choices. This year's election also highlights broader problems within local politics. Three heads of local governments and 510 local council members have already been elected unopposed. In many cases, the two major parties failed to field candidates in each other's traditional strongholds in the Yeongnam and Honam regions. In metropolitan areas, local council races have often been divided between the same rival parties in a pattern some describe as hostile coexistence. Among those elected without a vote, 138 have criminal records. That reality underscores why voting solely along party lines is not desirable. Voters should make every effort to distinguish qualified candidates from unqualified ones rather than simply supporting an entire slate based on party affiliation. The election also carries national political significance. It is the first nationwide election since the Lee Jae Myung administration took office a year ago. In addition, parliamentary by-elections are being held in 14 constituencies. After today, no nationwide election is scheduled until April 2028. The ruling Democratic Party argues that stronger support for local candidates will help advance the government's agenda. The opposition People Power Party, meanwhile, is urging voters to strengthen checks on the administration. The results are likely to influence debates over real estate policy, taxation, prosecutorial reform and other major national issues. Today's vote is about more than selecting local officials. It is an opportunity for citizens to influence both the future of their communities and the direction of national politics. Every ballot cast carries that responsibility. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. In collaboration with the Presidential Archives of Korea, the museum will present "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship," an exhibition tracing the history of bilateral ties through gifts exchanged by leaders and official diplomatic records. "Throughout Korea's history, from the Joseon Dynasty to the Korean Empire, provisional government and now the Republic of Korea, France has been a longstanding friend and partner," said Lee Hong-ju, the curator of the exhibition, on Tuesday. "The exhibition looks into those 140 years of friendship through gifts and records." The onggi wine bottle marks the first official gift exchange between the two countries, when Charles de Montigny, then the French consul in Shanghai, visited Joseon to rescue the crew of the French whaling ship Narval, which had drifted ashore on Bigeum Island in 1851. It was gifted to the consul by the people of Bigeum Island, as marked on the bottom of the bottle, and had been donated to the Musée National de Céramique de Sèvres in France. This is the bottle's first return to its home country in 175 years. The second section showcases the original documents of the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Joseon and France, signed on June 4, 1886. The treaty was drafted in both Chinese characters and French, with two copies produced in each language. Korea currently possesses only the Chinese-language version, which is housed at the National Library of Korea. The agreement granted legal protection to French missionaries and allowed them to travel throughout the country with valid passports. It also provided the legal basis for missionary activities in Joseon, including the building of Myeongdong Cathedral in central Seoul today. The original record of land purchases for the cathedral's construction by Bishop Marie-Jean-Gustave Blanc is also on display. From the third section is where a series of exchanged gifts, some of which are lavish, reveals, reflecting the close and active relationship they maintained over the years. The fourth section examines exchanges during the Japanese colonial period, while the fifth focuses on diplomatic ties after Korea's liberation. Among the items on display in the fifth section is a silver vessel presented by French President François Mitterrand during the 1986 Paris summit, the first summit between the two countries held in France. Then-President Chun Doo Hwan gifted a Korean celadon vase in return. The two countries continued to strengthen their relationship through subsequent exchanges. Highlights include a lacquered mother-of-pearl box presented by President Roh Tae-woo during a 1989 summit in Paris and a crystal vase crafted by the French luxury crystal maker Baccarat, which President Jacques Chirac gifted at the 2000 Paris summit. Among the most recent are the Lady Dior handbag and a set of summaries of the history of the French Revolution, which French President Emmanuel Macron gifted to President Moon Jae-in at a summit in Paris in 2018. A related exhibition that focuses on a pair of banhwa — a potted tree-shaped ornament with symbols of prosperity, longevity and peace, one of the crafts that King Gojong gifted to French President Carnot — has opened at Dondeokjeon in Deoksu Palace. Banhwa incorporates motifs such as peonies, orchids, pine trees and oriental arborvitae, meticulously crafted from precious materials including gold, jade, coral and tortoiseshell. The ornament, currently held by France's Guimet National Museum of Asian Arts, couldn't be sent to Korea due to the risk of damage. The two pairs on display at the National Palace Museum of Korea and at Dondeokjeon are replicas crafted by National Intangible Cultural Heritage holder Kim Young-hee and sponsored by Korea's cosmetics company Amorepacific. The exhibition "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship" at the National Palace Museum of Korea runs through Aug. 2 a...

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong and read by an artificial voice. The AI boom has overtaken the social media craze — Samsung Electronics on Tuesday has overtaken Tesla and Meta Platforms to become the world's 9th-most-valuable publicly traded company by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' market capitalization at one reached $1.58 trillion as the shares rose 4.58 percent during trading on Tuesday, according to CompaniesMarketCap, a website that tracks the market value of listed companies worldwide, as of 3:11 p.m. The gain pushed the Korean chipmaker past Tesla, whose market value stood at $1.56 trillion, and Meta Platforms at $1.52 trillion. It allowed Samsung to move up two spot in the global rankings. Before overtaking Tesla and Meta on Tuesday, Samsung Electronics ranked No. 11 globally by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' placement in the No.9 has caused Tesla and Meta Platform to drop down to the No. 10 and 11 rank, respectively, as of 3 p.m. Tuesday. Samsung Electronics could climb further if its recent share-price momentum continues, market observers say. Nvidia remained the world's most valuable company, with a market capitalization of $5.43 trillion. It was followed by Alphabet, the holding company behind Google, at $4.51 trillion, Apple at $4.50 trillion, Microsoft at $3.42 trillion and Amazon at $2.81 trillion. TSMC ranked No. 6 with a market capitalization of $2.26 trillion. It was closely chased by Broadcom and Saudi Aramco, with market capitalizations of $2.18 trillion and $1.76 trillion, respectively. Another Korean major chipmaker SK hynix slipped one place in the global rankings after its shares fell 2.62 percent on Tuesday. Ranked 13th globally, its market value was tallied at $1.10 trillion. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Park Sang-moon and read by an artificial voice. [ZOOM KOREA] The arc formed by the long sleeves of a jangsam, a monk's robe used in traditional Korean dances, cuts through the air in almost a devotional gesture. At the same time, the dancer clutches a white silk handkerchief and moves it as if it's an extension of their own body. In traditional Korean dances, this tossing and gathering of the cloth often symbolizes holding something and letting it go, a cycle through which the inescapable sorrow in life constantly transforms. Under Choi Chang-deok's control, that grief never becomes overwhelming. Instead, through restrained breathing and movement, the veteran dancer brings the audience toward a calm that exists after sadness — and, at times, toward moments of ecstasy and climax. Choi, also known as Dancho, is a traditional Korean dancer who is officially certified to carry on the traditions of seungmu, a monk's dance, and salpuri, a purification dance, both of which are designated by the government as National Intangible Cultural Heritages. Even among the dancers keeping the country's traditional arts alive, Choi stands apart for the way in which he has inherited the artistic spirit of his teacher, the master dancer Lee Mae-bang (1927-2015), while developing a distinctive style of his own by connecting that legacy with the "Cheonbugyeong," an ancient Korean philosophical text. His journey, like most others, began with his family and led him to some of the greatest masters of Korean dance and music, all of whom would teach him how to enter a philosophical realm in which the order of the universe is expressed through movement. Born in Hongseong, South Chungcheong, as the youngest of seven children, Choi possessed a natural talent for dancing and singing. During his elementary school field days, he would sling a janggu, an hourglass-shaped traditional drum, over his shoulder and freely show off his skills, quickly becoming the center of attention. But his specific affinity for traditional Korean music was rooted in his family background. His aunt was well known in the region for gayageum byeongchang — a performance style that combines singing with playing the gayageum, the plucked zither — meaning that such instruments were always present in the house. The first decisive turning point in Choi's life as a dancer came when he began studying under the late Han Young-suk (1920-1989), one of the most prominent figures of 20th-century traditional Korean dance. As a middle and high schooler, Choi spent almost every weekend traveling to take lessons from Han. He also learned how to perform Gyeonggi folk songs under An Bi-chwi (1926-1997) and pansori, or traditional Korean opera, under Park Cho-wol (1917-1983), both master singers of their era. At 19, Choi met the renowned Lee Mae-bang through Han's introduction. Lee, one of the most emblematic figures in traditional Korean dance, is often described as having been "a dancer sent from heaven" and an artist who reached a state of spiritual discipline through dance. Choi's rise to becoming one of the country's leading dancers today is undoubtedly rooted in his relationship with both Han and Lee. However, despite Choi's passion for dance, his parents wanted him to pursue an academic path at university, and he complied with their wishes, entering Dankook University to study French language and literature. Still, he refused to abandon dance and won numerous awards at competitions across the country during his university years. After graduating, Choi worked for a year as a French teacher at Seosan Girls' High School in South Chungcheong. Even there, he often found himself teaching his students how to dance during school events. His longing for the arts and his turmoil over whether he was truly meant to be a French teacher instead of a dance teacher weighed heavily on him. Eventually, Choi knelt before his parents, pleading for their understanding, and declared that he ...

This article is by Jeong Eun-hye and read by an artificial voice. For generations, Korean romance revolved around the oppa — a term women use for an older brother, but also a common nickname for an older boyfriend. More recently, however, noona, or older women, are increasingly becoming the ideal in both Korean dramas and real-life relationships. On screen, that shift was on full display in the third season of tvN's "Yumi's Cells" (2021–), in which female protagonist Yu-mi blushes after hearing the word "noona" from the younger male lead, Soon-rok. "Can I just call you noona instead?" Soon-rok asks Yu-mi in a scene where their relationship begins evolving from colleagues into lovers. Yu-mi's heart instantly races, with the word lingering in her ears like a pounding heartbeat. In another scene, the word noona is emphasized again as Yu-mi tries to reassure herself that it is "nothing unusual, just an everyday expression" after Soon-rok casually replies, "Yes, noona." Within the so-called cell village, the repeated use of the word noona awakens Yu-mi's long-dormant "amorous cell," which soon declares its next mission: dating a younger man. In the past, however, men generally avoided calling older women noona in romantic contexts. A famous example appears in singer Lee Seung-gi's hit "Because You're My Woman" (2004), whose lyrics include the line, "I'll call you [the informal] 'you.'" The Korean title of the track reads, "Because noona is my lady." Depending on the context, noona itself has evolved into a flirty gesture. Much like oppa, the word has taken on a dual role: both an everyday form of address and a romantic one. The shift first became noticeable with JTBC's "Something in the Rain" (2018), the Korean title of which literally translates to "pretty noona who buys me meals a lot." In line with shifting perceptions, powerful female characters are increasingly portrayed as more desirable on screen. In tvN's series " Filing for Love," for instance, the female lead Joo In-a, played by Shin Hae-sun, serves as the head of an audit team. Her love interest is Noh Gi-jun, a much lower-ranking assistant manager played by Gong Myoung. The drama has seen a steady rise in viewership, climbing from 4.4 percent at its premiere on April 25 to 7.9 percent by its eighth episode on May 17, according to Nielsen Korea. Meanwhile, couples with older husbands and younger wives fell to a record low of 63 percent. The first season of KBS reality dating show " Noona, You Are a Woman to Me" (2025–), which aired from October last year through January, produced three couples out of its potential five pairings. Ahead of its second season which premiered on May 23, the broadcaster released promotional videos introducing contestants with phrases such as "a woman who earns 10 billion won ($6.6 million)" and "a man proud of his physique." "People used to specifically say 'older-woman younger-man couple,' but now those relationships have become so common that the label itself is fading away," pop culture critic Jeong Deok-hyun said. "The breakdown of fixed gender roles is driving this change, and the evolving function of the word noona reflects that broader shift as well." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.