World Cup Dreams and Own Goals — Football in China

Despite the extra places on offer at this year’s expanded FIFA World Cup Finals, the Chinese men’s soccer team once again failed to qualify, continuing a series of disappointments dating back to 2002, when China made its only appearance at the tournament after extra slots were freed up by the host nations, Japan and South Korea, qualifying automatically. Over the past two decades vast sums have been poured into the Chinese Super League, which for a while attracted many foreign stars and managers. And President Xi Jinping has spoken of his dream that the country would host and one day win the World Cup. Yet despite his launch of a major football reform plan in 2015, Chinese soccer is again in disarray — two leading clubs have gone bankrupt, while nine of the country’s top teams were recently docked points, in a corruption scandal that led to the jailing of senior football association officials, club administrators, and even the former national team boss Li Tie. And Chinese state TV only reached a deal to show this year’s World Cup just a month before the competition began. So are China’s traditionally passionate football fans falling out of love with the game? Rowan Simons, author of the book Bamboo Goalposts, and chairman and founder of Club Football Beijing, which trains young players and runs a youth league in the Chinese capital, joins us to discuss the state of Chinese soccer, and whether the country’s World Cup dream might ever become a reality.Image © safat / Adobe StockFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

Donald Trump's visit to Beijing, the first by a US president in nine years, not only included plenty of pageantry, but produced some apparently substantive agreements. Aside from China resuming purchases of Boeing planes, beef and soybeans from the US, the two countries agreed to set up boards of trade and investment, and pledged to establish a 'constructive relationship of strategic stability'. And Xi Jinping will visit the US in September. But will this really ease recent trade and political tensions? Melinda Liu, veteran Beijing bureau chief of Newsweek magazine, and Professor Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute and co-author of 'The Political Thought of Xi Jinping', discuss who got the most out of a summit described by President Trump as 'very successful' and by President Xi as ‘historic’.Photo credit: Daniel Torok / White HouseFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

The war in the Middle East has affected China in many ways: as well as targeting Iran, a country with which Beijing has a comprehensive strategic partnership, it has disrupted exports, rattled consumer confidence, and forced the Chinese government to step in to protect consumers from the worst of rising petrol prices. Yet some believe Beijing may benefit from the damage to US global credibility, and China has sought to highlight its role as a responsible diplomatic player, proposing a joint peace plan with Pakistan, and holding talks with Gulf leaders and Iranian officials.  And China may also benefit from fresh opportunities, as Gulf countries, with which it has fast growing economic ties,  seek to build new port and railway infrastructure to bypass the Strait of Hormuz. Yet Beijing’s veto of a Bahraini resolution, opposed by Iran, to guarantee safety of navigation in the Strait at the UN in April was a reminder of the fine line it has to tread in maintaining relations with both the Gulf states and Iran, 90 percent of whose oil sales go to China. Jonathan Fulton, professor of international relations at Zayed University in Abu Dhabi, editor of the China MENA (Middle East and North Africa) Newsletter, and senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, joins us to assess how recent events in the region will affect China in the longer term.Image © Ruma / Adobe StockFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

The presidency of Donald Trump has given China fresh opportunities to increase its influence on the international stage. China has long been seeking to expand its role in global governance, proposing initiatives on issues ranging from development and security to the regulation of the internet and AI. It’s also founded the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and is a prime mover in groups including the BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. At the recent annual China Development Forum, its premier Li Qiang told an audience of international executives that China was a ‘haven of stability’ in a volatile world. And Beijing, along with Pakistan, has now proposed a peace plan for Iran and the Middle East. Yet China also continues to assert what it sees as its core interests on issues including Taiwan, Hong Kong and the South China Sea, and in its tariff clashes with the US. And many observers have argued that China’s rise makes a conflict with the United States almost inevitable — in line with concepts such as power transition theory and the Thucydides trap. But a new article by two academics proposes an alternative analysis of China’s international role — as the leader of a ‘global opposition campaign’. Its co-authors, Todd Hall, professor of international relations and director of the China Centre at Oxford University and author of the book ‘Emotional Diplomacy - Official Emotion on the International Stage’, and Hannah Bailey, assistant professor at Carnegie Mellon University and a specialist on Chinese global influence campaigns, join us to discuss China’s global ambitions, and the tensions between what they describe as the nation’s overlapping and sometimes contradictory personas.Photo credit: kremlin.ru / CC BY 4.0For information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

China's legislature this month set the nation's GDP growth target at 4.5 – 5%, the lowest since 1991, and also approved the country's new five year plan, which calls for higher quality growth with an emphasis on self-reliance and technological innovation, and pledges to promote domestic consumption and improve citizens' livelihoods. The National People’s Congress also passed a new 'Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity', which among other things, enshrines the use of Mandarin in schools in ethnic minority-dominated regions. In this episode, Evelyn Cheng, senior correspondent for CNBC in Beijing, joins us to assess China’s economic plans, while Christopher Mittelstaedt, Professor of Chinese politics at the University of Zurich, analyses the political implications of the Five Year Plan and the ethnic unity law.Photo credit: Gary Lee Todd / CC0 1.0For information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

China’s legislature is meeting in March to approve the nation’s new Five Year Plan, which aims to promote higher quality growth, and make China increasingly self-sufficient in new technology of all kinds, from AI to semiconductors. Yet it comes against a backdrop of uncertainty and tariff wars abroad, and high youth unemployment and a slumping property market at home. Xi Jinping has pinned his hopes on boosting domestic consumption and has pledged to promote the private economy, which he had previously hit with a major regulatory crackdown. But will this be enough to stimulate the kind of economic revival the government is hoping for? Andy Rothman, founder of the consultancy Sinology LLC, former China-based analyst and diplomat, and now senior advisor to the DGA Albright Stonebridge Group and senior China fellow at the Asia Society Northern California, discusses China’s economic prospects — and the challenges for consumer confidence and private enterprise.Photo credit: Yu Ko / UnsplashFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

The run-up to the lunar year has been a busy one for China’s President Xi Jinping, with world leaders beating a path to Beijing to meet him; he also found time to purge two of the Chinese military’s top generals, while the outspoken Hong Kong newspaper publisher and democracy advocate Jimmy Lai was jailed for 20 years. And with the erratic trade and foreign policy of the US currently boosting Beijing’s global influence, the 72 year-old leader could be said to be at the height of his powers. Yet even after more than a decade in charge of China, to many people outside the country he remains something of an enigma, rarely speaking to international media. Professor Joseph Torigian, a specialist on Chinese politics at American University in Washington DC, offers an unusual insight into Xi Jinping’s backstory in his new book, The Party’s Interests Come First, a biography of the Chinese president’s father, Xi Zhongxun (1913-2002), who was himself a senior party official, but was purged from the leadership by Chairman Mao and jailed in the 1960s and 70s, before returning to pioneer economic reforms in southern China. In this episode, Joseph Torigian looks at how his father’s experiences may — or in some cases may not — have influenced Xi Jinping’s life and politics.Photo credit: Tatarstan.ru / CC BY 4.0For information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

Sir Keir Starmer described his recent trip to China as a chance to end the ‘ice age’ in the two countries’ ties and build a more ‘sophisticated’ relationship. But despite the announcement of visa free-travel to China for British visitors, and the lifting of sanctions on six British MPs and peers, Starmer has been criticised by political opponents for failing to secure the release of publisher and British citizen Jimmy Lai, recently found guilty of sedition and national security offences in Hong Kong. This follows controversy over the approval of China’s new embassy in the City of London, and concerns about alleged Chinese espionage and the potential security risks of Chinese technology. Professor Steve Tsang, director of the SOAS China Institute, and Jonathan Fenby, former editor of the Observer newspaper and Hong Kong’s South China Morning Post, and author of The Penguin History of Modern China, discuss where Britain stands in its relations with an increasingly powerful China — and the significance of President Xi Jinping’s assertion that when it comes to his country, the UK needs to ‘see the entire elephant’.Photo credit: Simon Dawson / No 10 Downing StreetFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

In this episode we look at love, marriage and divorce in contemporary China, from the perspective of two female filmmakers. These are topics with a political as well as personal significance — the Chinese government is keen to boost the birth rate to tackle the problem of an ageing population, but the marriage rate has fallen sharply, while the divorce rate has grown significantly over recent decades. Elizabeth Lo’s remarkable new film Mistress Dispeller looks at a growing industry in China — people you can hire to intervene if your spouse is having an affair, and who promise to help save your marriage. Luo Tong’s documentary Shanghai Girls, meanwhile, is an intimate depiction of the experiences of a group of women in their early fifties, and their lives and loves over the past thirty years.  They join us to discuss changing attitudes to relationships in China.Photo credit: Ariela Ortiz-Barrantes / CC BY-SA 4.0For information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0

Relations between China and Japan — never smooth, given the legacy of Japan's invasion of China in the 1930s — are currently at their tensest in years. This follows the new Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi's remarks in Japan's parliament last month that if China were to use military force against Taiwan — which Beijing claims as part of its territory — Japan would view this as a threat to its survival, and could deploy its own military in response. China has denounced Ms Takaichi's comments as crossing a red line, and warned that they hint at a revival of militarism in Japan. It has warned its citizens against travelling to Japan, leading to mass cancellations of bookings and flights; concerts by Japanese pop stars and screenings of Japanese films in China have also been cancelled, and seafood imports halted. The tension comes amidst rising Japanese nationalist sentiment, much of it directed at a recent influx of immigrants, including, by some estimates, more than a hundred thousand middle class migrants from China. Rupert Wingfield Hayes, for more than two decades a BBC correspondent in first Beijing, then Tokyo, and most recently Taiwan, joins us to discuss the significance of these developments, and the historical resonances that lie behind them.Photo credit: Official Website of the Prime Minister’s Office of JapanFor information about the SOAS China Institute Corporate Membership scheme, please contact SCI director Steve Tsang: [email protected]________________________________________The views and opinions expressed on this podcast are those of the speakers and are not necessarily those of the SOAS China Institute.________________________________________SOAS China Institute (SCI)SCI BlogSCI on XSCI on LinkedInSCI on FacebookSCI on Instagram________________________________________Music credit: Sappheiros / CC BY 3.0