The Joint Letter Regarding Discovery Dispute In The Leon Black/Jane Doe Lawsuit

In her sworn deposition from 2016 (unsealed in 2020), Virginia Giuffre detailed how Ghislaine Maxwell recruited, groomed, and trafficked her into Jeffrey Epstein’s sex trafficking operation starting when she was 16. She testified that Maxwell approached her at Mar-a-Lago in 2000 under the pretense of offering her work as a masseuse for a wealthy benefactor. That “job” quickly evolved into sexual abuse. According to Giuffre, Maxwell took an active role in teaching her how to sexually service Epstein, including hands-on “training” sessions involving Maxwell herself. She stated that Maxwell instructed her to recruit other underage girls and was fully aware — and involved — in the trafficking scheme. Maxwell not only facilitated the abuse, Giuffre claimed, but also participated in it, organizing flights, outfits, and sex schedules for Epstein and his associates.Giuffre’s deposition also included accusations that she was trafficked to powerful men at Maxwell’s direction. She named Prince Andrew, Alan Dershowitz, Jean-Luc Brunel, Bill Richardson, George Mitchell, and Glenn Dubin among the men she was forced to have sex with — often in Epstein’s residences or on his private jet, the “Lolita Express.” Giuffre detailed incidents of sexual abuse at Epstein’s private island (Little St. James), in Maxwell’s London townhouse, and at Epstein’s New York and Palm Beach homes. She described Maxwell’s role as operational: coordinating travel, preparing the girls, dictating what to wear (often schoolgirl outfits), and ensuring silence through emotional manipulation and threats. Giuffre testified that Maxwell told her to be “grateful” and warned her that speaking out would have consequences — including death. Throughout the deposition, Giuffre emphasized that she was a minor being trafficked across state and international lines, and that Maxwell was not only aware but orchestrating every detail. Her statements were corroborated years later by other victims and led to Maxwell’s 2021 conviction on sex trafficking and conspiracy charges.to  contact me;[email protected]:1090-32.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

In her sworn deposition from 2016 (unsealed in 2020), Virginia Giuffre detailed how Ghislaine Maxwell recruited, groomed, and trafficked her into Jeffrey Epstein’s sex trafficking operation starting when she was 16. She testified that Maxwell approached her at Mar-a-Lago in 2000 under the pretense of offering her work as a masseuse for a wealthy benefactor. That “job” quickly evolved into sexual abuse. According to Giuffre, Maxwell took an active role in teaching her how to sexually service Epstein, including hands-on “training” sessions involving Maxwell herself. She stated that Maxwell instructed her to recruit other underage girls and was fully aware — and involved — in the trafficking scheme. Maxwell not only facilitated the abuse, Giuffre claimed, but also participated in it, organizing flights, outfits, and sex schedules for Epstein and his associates.Giuffre’s deposition also included accusations that she was trafficked to powerful men at Maxwell’s direction. She named Prince Andrew, Alan Dershowitz, Jean-Luc Brunel, Bill Richardson, George Mitchell, and Glenn Dubin among the men she was forced to have sex with — often in Epstein’s residences or on his private jet, the “Lolita Express.” Giuffre detailed incidents of sexual abuse at Epstein’s private island (Little St. James), in Maxwell’s London townhouse, and at Epstein’s New York and Palm Beach homes. She described Maxwell’s role as operational: coordinating travel, preparing the girls, dictating what to wear (often schoolgirl outfits), and ensuring silence through emotional manipulation and threats. Giuffre testified that Maxwell told her to be “grateful” and warned her that speaking out would have consequences — including death. Throughout the deposition, Giuffre emphasized that she was a minor being trafficked across state and international lines, and that Maxwell was not only aware but orchestrating every detail. Her statements were corroborated years later by other victims and led to Maxwell’s 2021 conviction on sex trafficking and conspiracy charges.to  contact me;[email protected]:1090-32.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

A lawsuit has been filed by multiple survivors of Jeffrey Epstein's abuse, against the U.S. government and the government of the U.S. Virgin Islands (USVI), alleging that officials in both governments enabled and facilitated Epstein’s sex-trafficking activities.The suit against the U.S. government, filed in New York, claims that the FBI failed to adequately investigate credible tips about Epstein’s activities from 1996 to 2006, allowing him to continue abusing young women and girls. The plaintiffs assert that the FBI's negligence permitted Epstein to operate his sex trafficking ring with impunity, failing to protect victims and prevent further exploitation.Additionally, the lawsuit against the USVI government alleges a wide-ranging conspiracy involving high-ranking officials who are accused of actively aiding Epstein. The plaintiffs claim that from 2001 to 2019, USVI officials provided Epstein with a secure base to run his sex-trafficking operation by offering him special treatment through laws, infrastructure, and governmental support. Named in the suit are former First Lady Cecile de Jongh, former Governor John de Jongh, former Governor Kenneth Mapp, former Senator Celestino White, former Attorney General Vincent Frazer, and others. The complaint includes detailed allegations of financial and political favors exchanged between Epstein and these officials, which allegedly facilitated his criminal activities and obstructed justice​. The government of the United States Virgin Islands (USVI) is attempting to dismiss the lawsuit filed by survivors of Jeffrey Epstein by shifting the blame to the survivors and emphasizing the significant settlement they already received from Epstein’s estate. The USVI's defense focuses on two main arguments:Previous Settlement and Compensation: The USVI argues that the survivors have already been compensated through a settlement with Epstein’s estate, which totaled more than $100 million. They contend that this previous compensation should mitigate or eliminate further claims against the government.Legal Defenses and Sovereign Immunity: The USVI also asserts that the lawsuit should be dismissed based on sovereign immunity and other legal defenses. They argue that the claims against them are barred by statutes of limitations and that the plaintiffs have not established a valid legal basis for holding the government liable for Epstein’s actions.to contact me:[email protected]:Jane Does’ Epstein Complaint Has No Merit, Should Be Dismissed, V.I. DOJ Argues | St. Thomas Source (stthomassource.com)Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

In the years leading up to Virginia Roberts (now Virginia Giuffre) filing her civil lawsuit against Prince Andrew in August 2021, a long history of allegations, legal filings, and public exposure set the stage. Giuffre first made allegations that she was trafficked by Jeffrey Epstein and forced into sexual encounters with Andrew when she was 17 in court documents as early as 2014 and 2015—but those were largely buried or struck from cases at the time. When previously sealed filings from her 2015 defamation lawsuit against Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell were unsealed in 2019, her detailed claims about being trafficked and having sexual contact with Andrew became widely publicized, sparking intense media scrutiny and criticism of the prince’s relationship with Epstein. That public exposure came amid broader outrage over Epstein’s crimes, Maxwell’s arrest and eventual conviction in 2021, and ongoing civil suits by survivors that underscored systemic failures to hold powerful people accountable.Capitalizing on the new legal opportunity created by New York’s Child Victims Act—designed to allow older claims that were previously time-barred to be filed—Giuffre’s lawyers formally sued Prince Andrew in U.S. federal court, alleging sexual assault and intentional infliction of emotional distress tied to multiple encounters in the early 2000s when she was a minor trafficked by Epstein and Maxwell. The lawsuit cited a pattern of abuse, including travel to Epstein’s properties and coercion into sex with Andrew, and came after years of mounting evidence, survivor advocacy, and public pressure to confront powerful figures linked to Epstein’s network. The filing triggered a high-profile legal battle, including attempts by Andrew’s team to dismiss the case and disputes over service of process, before ultimately leading to an out-of-court settlement in early 2022.to contact me:[email protected] a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Judicial Watch’s Epstein-related lawsuit is primarily a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) action filed against the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) in late 2025, seeking the release of government records related to accused sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein that the group says have been improperly withheld from the public. The suit, Judicial Watch Inc. v. U.S. Department of Justice (No. 1:25-cv-04123), demands all documents that were subpoenaed by the U.S. House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, including what was provided in response and communications about that response, after the DOJ failed to adequately respond to an August 2025 FOIA request. The records sought include internal DOJ materials and communications with federal officials about the subpoena and the broader Epstein investigation — material that Judicial Watch argues the public has a right to see given the high-profile nature of the case and longstanding questions about transparency.In addition to the DOJ FOIA suit, Judicial Watch has filed related FOIA lawsuits seeking Epstein-related records from other federal agencies. These include a FOIA lawsuit against the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for any records concerning Epstein’s possible involvement with intelligence activities, his business dealings and travel, his contacts with influential figures, and documentation about his death, after the CIA failed to respond to a July 2025 FOIA request. Judicial Watch has also pursued DOJ and FBI records on the identities of Epstein’s clients or associates and records provided to the FBI by accuser Virginia Giuffre. Through these cases, the group aims to compel the release of materials that could illuminate undisclosed aspects of the Epstein investigation and potentially government handling of related evidence.to contact me:[email protected] a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Sarah Kellen came into focus during the Epstein investigation as one of the key figures within Jeffrey Epstein’s inner circle who allegedly helped run and manage many logistics of his sex-trafficking enterprise. She first drew attention in police and court documents from the 2000s, where a 2007 Palm Beach probable-cause affidavit named her and three other women as “unindicted co-conspirators” in the case that led to Epstein’s controversial non-prosecution deal — meaning she was identified as someone deeply involved in the operation but granted immunity at the time. Victims’ lawsuits and testimony in later proceedings, including during Ghislaine Maxwell’s 2021 trial and 2022 sentencing, repeatedly referenced Kellen as the person who scheduled Epstein’s “massage” appointments, coordinated travel, and communicated with girls who were brought to Epstein’s homes, often arranging their movements and facilitating contact with him. A federal judge in the Maxwell case even described her as a “knowing participant” and “criminally responsible participant” in the conspiracy, underscoring her central logistical roleDespite this spotlight, Kellen has never been charged with federal crimes related to Epstein’s sex trafficking and has avoided public prosecution, largely because of the broad immunity provisions in the 2008 agreement that protected possible co-conspirators. After Epstein’s 2019 death, her name resurfaced in unsealed litigation and civil actions, including lawsuits against Epstein’s estate where she was named as a defendant alongside Epstein and Maxwell for allegedly facilitating abuse. Additionally, investigative efforts such as the U.S. Virgin Islands’ civil case against JPMorgan Chase sought to depose her to shed light on financial and organizational aspects of Epstein’s network, further bringing her into focus as someone with critical knowledge about how the enterprise operated.to contact me:[email protected] a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

In his interview with the DOJ Office of the Inspector General, Alex Acosta repeatedly framed the 2007–2008 Epstein non-prosecution agreement as a constrained, pragmatic decision made under pressure rather than a deliberate act of favoritism. He told inspectors that Epstein’s defense team, stacked with politically connected and aggressive lawyers, created what he described as a credible threat of a federal indictment collapse if prosecutors pushed too hard. Acosta emphasized that his office believed securing some conviction at the state level was better than risking none at all, and he claimed he was focused on avoiding a scenario where Epstein walked entirely. Throughout the interview, Acosta leaned heavily on the idea that the deal was the product of risk assessment, limited evidence, and internal prosecutorial judgment rather than corruption or improper influence, repeatedly asserting that he acted in good faith.At the same time, the OIG interview exposed glaring gaps and evasions in Acosta’s account, particularly regarding victims’ rights and transparency. He acknowledged that victims were not informed about the existence or finalization of the NPA, but attempted to downplay this as a procedural failure rather than a substantive violation of the Crime Victims’ Rights Act. Acosta also distanced himself from the unusual secrecy of the agreement, suggesting that others in his office handled victim communications and specific drafting decisions. Most damaging, however, was his inability to offer a coherent justification for why Epstein received terms so extraordinary that they effectively shut down federal accountability altogether. The interview left the unmistakable impression of a former U.S. Attorney attempting to launder an indefensible outcome through bureaucratic language, while avoiding responsibility for a deal that insulated Epstein and his network from meaningful scrutiny for more than a decade.to  contact me:[email protected]:EFTA00009229.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

In his interview with the DOJ Office of the Inspector General, Alex Acosta repeatedly framed the 2007–2008 Epstein non-prosecution agreement as a constrained, pragmatic decision made under pressure rather than a deliberate act of favoritism. He told inspectors that Epstein’s defense team, stacked with politically connected and aggressive lawyers, created what he described as a credible threat of a federal indictment collapse if prosecutors pushed too hard. Acosta emphasized that his office believed securing some conviction at the state level was better than risking none at all, and he claimed he was focused on avoiding a scenario where Epstein walked entirely. Throughout the interview, Acosta leaned heavily on the idea that the deal was the product of risk assessment, limited evidence, and internal prosecutorial judgment rather than corruption or improper influence, repeatedly asserting that he acted in good faith.At the same time, the OIG interview exposed glaring gaps and evasions in Acosta’s account, particularly regarding victims’ rights and transparency. He acknowledged that victims were not informed about the existence or finalization of the NPA, but attempted to downplay this as a procedural failure rather than a substantive violation of the Crime Victims’ Rights Act. Acosta also distanced himself from the unusual secrecy of the agreement, suggesting that others in his office handled victim communications and specific drafting decisions. Most damaging, however, was his inability to offer a coherent justification for why Epstein received terms so extraordinary that they effectively shut down federal accountability altogether. The interview left the unmistakable impression of a former U.S. Attorney attempting to launder an indefensible outcome through bureaucratic language, while avoiding responsibility for a deal that insulated Epstein and his network from meaningful scrutiny for more than a decade.to  contact me:[email protected]:EFTA00009229.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Dan Bongino’s podcasting comeback is being sold like a heroic return, but it reads more like a retreat dressed up as defiance. For years, he built an audience by pounding the table about Epstein, corruption, and elite protection, casting himself as the guy who would never bend, never sell out, never shut up. Then he took a leadership role inside the very institution that sat on Epstein, protected him, slow-walked accountability, and still refuses full transparency. When that moment demanded courage, confrontation, and follow-through, Bongino delivered silence, excuses, and eventually an exit. No bombshells. No whistleblowing. No scorched-earth truth. Just a quiet pivot back to podcasting, followed by a shrug and an implicit “it’s complicated.” The tough talk evaporated the second it required actual risk.What makes the whole act collapse is that Bongino now postures like nothing changed, as if the audience is supposed to forget the standard he set for everyone else. He didn’t expose a cover-up. He didn’t force disclosures. He didn’t resign in protest while naming names. Instead, he came back and redirected his anger toward safer targets while avoiding the one issue that defined his credibility. The Epstein failure isn’t a footnote, it’s the test he failed in real time. You can’t spend years branding yourself as the last honest man standing and then expect applause for returning to the mic empty-handed. The tough guy persona only works if it survives contact with power, and in the Epstein moment that mattered most, it folded completely.to contact me:[email protected] a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Jeffrey Epstein violated the 2008 non-prosecution agreement repeatedly and blatantly, and yet faced no consequences from the same system that claimed the deal was conditional. The NPA required Epstein to comply with federal and state law, avoid further criminal conduct, and refrain from victim contact. Instead, after serving his sham county jail sentence, Epstein resumed trafficking behavior almost immediately. He continued to recruit young girls through the same network of associates, paid victims directly, traveled freely between jurisdictions, and maintained properties that were repeatedly identified by victims as sites of abuse. These were not technical or ambiguous violations. They were direct continuations of the very conduct the NPA was supposedly designed to stop. Under any normal interpretation, Epstein’s actions should have voided the agreement and reopened prosecution.What makes this more disturbing is that federal authorities were aware of many of these violations and still chose inaction. Complaints continued to surface, law enforcement agencies received new allegations, and civil cases produced sworn testimony describing post-NPA abuse. Yet prosecutors treated the agreement as untouchable, as if Epstein had been granted permanent immunity rather than conditional leniency. No hearings were held, no compliance reviews were triggered, and no penalties were imposed. The NPA became less a legal agreement and more a protective shield, enforced in Epstein’s favor regardless of his behavior. The message was unmistakable: the rules did not apply to him, and even open defiance of a federal agreement carried zero risk as long as the system decided not to look too closely.to contact me:[email protected]:EFTA00014110.pdfBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.