'Noona' relationships gain popularity both on small screens and in real life

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo The government has decided to sharply increase stock investments by the National Pension Service (NPS), which manages the retirement savings of the Korean public. The decision was approved on Thursday by the National Pension Fund Management Committee. At that meeting, the committee raised the target allocation for domestic equities to 20.8 percent from 14.4 percent, a dramatic increase. The move itself was not entirely unexpected. What raised greater concern was the committee's decision to give the NPS more flexibility to exceed the target. It significantly expanded the allowable range for so-called strategic asset allocation, enabling the fund to purchase more domestic stocks in the short term. Previously, the range was set at 5 percentage points. This time, however, the committee declined to disclose the revised figure, arguing that doing so could affect the fair execution of fund management and disrupt financial market stability. That explanation is difficult to accept. If disclosure threatens market stability today, why was the figure publicly available in the past? Many market participants believe the range has been widened to around 10 percentage points. If that estimate is correct, the NPS could raise its domestic equity allocation to more than 30 percent. As of the end of March 2026, the fund held more than 320 trillion won ($221 billion) in domestic stocks. The new framework could allow holdings to increase by more than 100 trillion won. Investors are understandably pleased. More buying by the NPS could provide additional support for stock prices. Yet from the perspective of retirement security, the decision raises legitimate concerns. Health and Welfare Minister Jeong Eun-kyeong, who chairs the committee, said the measure would improve both profitability and stability while taking financial market conditions into account. Critics, however, question whether the pension fund is being used to support the stock market. The long-term consequences are impossible to predict. No one knows whether Korean stocks will continue rising or eventually decline. If prices keep climbing, the pension fund will benefit. If markets fall after the NPS expands its exposure, losses will ultimately be borne by the public whose retirement savings the fund manages. Recent performance may encourage optimism. The NPS earned strong returns from domestic equities last year and in the first quarter of this year. But high returns are never guaranteed. High risk and high reward are inseparable. The fund's own history illustrates the point. Between 2011 and 2025, the NPS did not produce gains every year. It recorded losses roughly once every three years. Three of those years saw double-digit negative returns: minus 10.34 percent in 2011, minus 16.77 percent in 2018 and minus 22.76 percent in 2022. Even the best baseball hitter cannot avoid occasional strikeouts. Investment performance follows a similar pattern. Another troubling aspect of the decision is the lack of transparency. The committee has not disclosed the basis for expanding domestic stock investment, nor has it revealed what arguments were exchanged during the Thursday meeting. That prompted the Pension Research Society, a group of pension experts, to question whether the decision was based on long-term analysis of returns and risks or was simply an improvised response to immediate market pressures. The meeting minutes will not be released until late May 2030 under the National Pension Act. By then, the current administration will be nearing the end of its term. In practice, the public will have to wait for years before learning how such an important decision was made. The contrast with the Bank of Korea is striking. The central bank typically publishes minutes of Monetary Policy Board meetings within about 20 days and explains policy decisions through press conferences held by the governor. The pension fund committee does neither...

Today is Election Day for Korea's June 3 local elections. Voters will choose governors, mayors, county chiefs, district heads and local council members who will serve four-year terms. Elections for provincial and metropolitan education superintendents, who help determine the direction of elementary, middle and high school education, will also be held. Local elections carry significance comparable to presidential and parliamentary elections because they determine who will oversee policies that directly affect residents' daily lives. Road maintenance, public transportation, welfare services, regional development and education are all matters handled by local governments and elected officials. Depending on where they live, voters in this election may receive as many as eight ballots and must choose among numerous candidates. Evaluating the promises and qualifications of candidates ranging from mayoral contenders to district council hopefuls is no easy task. Even in education superintendent races, multiple candidates from progressive and conservative camps are competing, making it difficult for some voters to recognize even their names. Yet grassroots democracy cannot function without individual participation. Before heading to the polls, voters should review campaign materials delivered to their homes or consult information provided by the National Election Commission. Examining candidates' policy proposals and personal backgrounds can help citizens make more informed choices. This year's election also highlights broader problems within local politics. Three heads of local governments and 510 local council members have already been elected unopposed. In many cases, the two major parties failed to field candidates in each other's traditional strongholds in the Yeongnam and Honam regions. In metropolitan areas, local council races have often been divided between the same rival parties in a pattern some describe as hostile coexistence. Among those elected without a vote, 138 have criminal records. That reality underscores why voting solely along party lines is not desirable. Voters should make every effort to distinguish qualified candidates from unqualified ones rather than simply supporting an entire slate based on party affiliation. The election also carries national political significance. It is the first nationwide election since the Lee Jae Myung administration took office a year ago. In addition, parliamentary by-elections are being held in 14 constituencies. After today, no nationwide election is scheduled until April 2028. The ruling Democratic Party argues that stronger support for local candidates will help advance the government's agenda. The opposition People Power Party, meanwhile, is urging voters to strengthen checks on the administration. The results are likely to influence debates over real estate policy, taxation, prosecutorial reform and other major national issues. Today's vote is about more than selecting local officials. It is an opportunity for citizens to influence both the future of their communities and the direction of national politics. Every ballot cast carries that responsibility. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Jin Eun-soo and read by an artificial voice. In collaboration with the Presidential Archives of Korea, the museum will present "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship," an exhibition tracing the history of bilateral ties through gifts exchanged by leaders and official diplomatic records. "Throughout Korea's history, from the Joseon Dynasty to the Korean Empire, provisional government and now the Republic of Korea, France has been a longstanding friend and partner," said Lee Hong-ju, the curator of the exhibition, on Tuesday. "The exhibition looks into those 140 years of friendship through gifts and records." The onggi wine bottle marks the first official gift exchange between the two countries, when Charles de Montigny, then the French consul in Shanghai, visited Joseon to rescue the crew of the French whaling ship Narval, which had drifted ashore on Bigeum Island in 1851. It was gifted to the consul by the people of Bigeum Island, as marked on the bottom of the bottle, and had been donated to the Musée National de Céramique de Sèvres in France. This is the bottle's first return to its home country in 175 years. The second section showcases the original documents of the Treaty of Friendship and Commerce between Joseon and France, signed on June 4, 1886. The treaty was drafted in both Chinese characters and French, with two copies produced in each language. Korea currently possesses only the Chinese-language version, which is housed at the National Library of Korea. The agreement granted legal protection to French missionaries and allowed them to travel throughout the country with valid passports. It also provided the legal basis for missionary activities in Joseon, including the building of Myeongdong Cathedral in central Seoul today. The original record of land purchases for the cathedral's construction by Bishop Marie-Jean-Gustave Blanc is also on display. From the third section is where a series of exchanged gifts, some of which are lavish, reveals, reflecting the close and active relationship they maintained over the years. The fourth section examines exchanges during the Japanese colonial period, while the fifth focuses on diplomatic ties after Korea's liberation. Among the items on display in the fifth section is a silver vessel presented by French President François Mitterrand during the 1986 Paris summit, the first summit between the two countries held in France. Then-President Chun Doo Hwan gifted a Korean celadon vase in return. The two countries continued to strengthen their relationship through subsequent exchanges. Highlights include a lacquered mother-of-pearl box presented by President Roh Tae-woo during a 1989 summit in Paris and a crystal vase crafted by the French luxury crystal maker Baccarat, which President Jacques Chirac gifted at the 2000 Paris summit. Among the most recent are the Lady Dior handbag and a set of summaries of the history of the French Revolution, which French President Emmanuel Macron gifted to President Moon Jae-in at a summit in Paris in 2018. A related exhibition that focuses on a pair of banhwa — a potted tree-shaped ornament with symbols of prosperity, longevity and peace, one of the crafts that King Gojong gifted to French President Carnot — has opened at Dondeokjeon in Deoksu Palace. Banhwa incorporates motifs such as peonies, orchids, pine trees and oriental arborvitae, meticulously crafted from precious materials including gold, jade, coral and tortoiseshell. The ornament, currently held by France's Guimet National Museum of Asian Arts, couldn't be sent to Korea due to the risk of damage. The two pairs on display at the National Palace Museum of Korea and at Dondeokjeon are replicas crafted by National Intangible Cultural Heritage holder Kim Young-hee and sponsored by Korea's cosmetics company Amorepacific. The exhibition "Gifts and Records: 140 Years of Korea-France Friendship" at the National Palace Museum of Korea runs through Aug. 2 a...

This article is by Jeong Jae-hong and read by an artificial voice. The AI boom has overtaken the social media craze — Samsung Electronics on Tuesday has overtaken Tesla and Meta Platforms to become the world's 9th-most-valuable publicly traded company by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' market capitalization at one reached $1.58 trillion as the shares rose 4.58 percent during trading on Tuesday, according to CompaniesMarketCap, a website that tracks the market value of listed companies worldwide, as of 3:11 p.m. The gain pushed the Korean chipmaker past Tesla, whose market value stood at $1.56 trillion, and Meta Platforms at $1.52 trillion. It allowed Samsung to move up two spot in the global rankings. Before overtaking Tesla and Meta on Tuesday, Samsung Electronics ranked No. 11 globally by market capitalization. Samsung Electronics' placement in the No.9 has caused Tesla and Meta Platform to drop down to the No. 10 and 11 rank, respectively, as of 3 p.m. Tuesday. Samsung Electronics could climb further if its recent share-price momentum continues, market observers say. Nvidia remained the world's most valuable company, with a market capitalization of $5.43 trillion. It was followed by Alphabet, the holding company behind Google, at $4.51 trillion, Apple at $4.50 trillion, Microsoft at $3.42 trillion and Amazon at $2.81 trillion. TSMC ranked No. 6 with a market capitalization of $2.26 trillion. It was closely chased by Broadcom and Saudi Aramco, with market capitalizations of $2.18 trillion and $1.76 trillion, respectively. Another Korean major chipmaker SK hynix slipped one place in the global rankings after its shares fell 2.62 percent on Tuesday. Ranked 13th globally, its market value was tallied at $1.10 trillion. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Park Sang-moon and read by an artificial voice. [ZOOM KOREA] The arc formed by the long sleeves of a jangsam, a monk's robe used in traditional Korean dances, cuts through the air in almost a devotional gesture. At the same time, the dancer clutches a white silk handkerchief and moves it as if it's an extension of their own body. In traditional Korean dances, this tossing and gathering of the cloth often symbolizes holding something and letting it go, a cycle through which the inescapable sorrow in life constantly transforms. Under Choi Chang-deok's control, that grief never becomes overwhelming. Instead, through restrained breathing and movement, the veteran dancer brings the audience toward a calm that exists after sadness — and, at times, toward moments of ecstasy and climax. Choi, also known as Dancho, is a traditional Korean dancer who is officially certified to carry on the traditions of seungmu, a monk's dance, and salpuri, a purification dance, both of which are designated by the government as National Intangible Cultural Heritages. Even among the dancers keeping the country's traditional arts alive, Choi stands apart for the way in which he has inherited the artistic spirit of his teacher, the master dancer Lee Mae-bang (1927-2015), while developing a distinctive style of his own by connecting that legacy with the "Cheonbugyeong," an ancient Korean philosophical text. His journey, like most others, began with his family and led him to some of the greatest masters of Korean dance and music, all of whom would teach him how to enter a philosophical realm in which the order of the universe is expressed through movement. Born in Hongseong, South Chungcheong, as the youngest of seven children, Choi possessed a natural talent for dancing and singing. During his elementary school field days, he would sling a janggu, an hourglass-shaped traditional drum, over his shoulder and freely show off his skills, quickly becoming the center of attention. But his specific affinity for traditional Korean music was rooted in his family background. His aunt was well known in the region for gayageum byeongchang — a performance style that combines singing with playing the gayageum, the plucked zither — meaning that such instruments were always present in the house. The first decisive turning point in Choi's life as a dancer came when he began studying under the late Han Young-suk (1920-1989), one of the most prominent figures of 20th-century traditional Korean dance. As a middle and high schooler, Choi spent almost every weekend traveling to take lessons from Han. He also learned how to perform Gyeonggi folk songs under An Bi-chwi (1926-1997) and pansori, or traditional Korean opera, under Park Cho-wol (1917-1983), both master singers of their era. At 19, Choi met the renowned Lee Mae-bang through Han's introduction. Lee, one of the most emblematic figures in traditional Korean dance, is often described as having been "a dancer sent from heaven" and an artist who reached a state of spiritual discipline through dance. Choi's rise to becoming one of the country's leading dancers today is undoubtedly rooted in his relationship with both Han and Lee. However, despite Choi's passion for dance, his parents wanted him to pursue an academic path at university, and he complied with their wishes, entering Dankook University to study French language and literature. Still, he refused to abandon dance and won numerous awards at competitions across the country during his university years. After graduating, Choi worked for a year as a French teacher at Seosan Girls' High School in South Chungcheong. Even there, he often found himself teaching his students how to dance during school events. His longing for the arts and his turmoil over whether he was truly meant to be a French teacher instead of a dance teacher weighed heavily on him. Eventually, Choi knelt before his parents, pleading for their understanding, and declared that he ...

This article is by Jeong Eun-hye and read by an artificial voice. For generations, Korean romance revolved around the oppa — a term women use for an older brother, but also a common nickname for an older boyfriend. More recently, however, noona, or older women, are increasingly becoming the ideal in both Korean dramas and real-life relationships. On screen, that shift was on full display in the third season of tvN's "Yumi's Cells" (2021–), in which female protagonist Yu-mi blushes after hearing the word "noona" from the younger male lead, Soon-rok. "Can I just call you noona instead?" Soon-rok asks Yu-mi in a scene where their relationship begins evolving from colleagues into lovers. Yu-mi's heart instantly races, with the word lingering in her ears like a pounding heartbeat. In another scene, the word noona is emphasized again as Yu-mi tries to reassure herself that it is "nothing unusual, just an everyday expression" after Soon-rok casually replies, "Yes, noona." Within the so-called cell village, the repeated use of the word noona awakens Yu-mi's long-dormant "amorous cell," which soon declares its next mission: dating a younger man. In the past, however, men generally avoided calling older women noona in romantic contexts. A famous example appears in singer Lee Seung-gi's hit "Because You're My Woman" (2004), whose lyrics include the line, "I'll call you [the informal] 'you.'" The Korean title of the track reads, "Because noona is my lady." Depending on the context, noona itself has evolved into a flirty gesture. Much like oppa, the word has taken on a dual role: both an everyday form of address and a romantic one. The shift first became noticeable with JTBC's "Something in the Rain" (2018), the Korean title of which literally translates to "pretty noona who buys me meals a lot." In line with shifting perceptions, powerful female characters are increasingly portrayed as more desirable on screen. In tvN's series " Filing for Love," for instance, the female lead Joo In-a, played by Shin Hae-sun, serves as the head of an audit team. Her love interest is Noh Gi-jun, a much lower-ranking assistant manager played by Gong Myoung. The drama has seen a steady rise in viewership, climbing from 4.4 percent at its premiere on April 25 to 7.9 percent by its eighth episode on May 17, according to Nielsen Korea. Meanwhile, couples with older husbands and younger wives fell to a record low of 63 percent. The first season of KBS reality dating show " Noona, You Are a Woman to Me" (2025–), which aired from October last year through January, produced three couples out of its potential five pairings. Ahead of its second season which premiered on May 23, the broadcaster released promotional videos introducing contestants with phrases such as "a woman who earns 10 billion won ($6.6 million)" and "a man proud of his physique." "People used to specifically say 'older-woman younger-man couple,' but now those relationships have become so common that the label itself is fading away," pop culture critic Jeong Deok-hyun said. "The breakdown of fixed gender roles is driving this change, and the evolving function of the word noona reflects that broader shift as well." This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

This article is by Kim Seon-mi and read by an artificial voice. Performance bonuses set to flow to workers at Samsung Electronics and SK hynix could reach a combined 60 trillion won ($39.7 billion) this year. That's equivalent to more than two percent of last year's national output and, apparently, large enough to reshape housing markets, monetary policy and the whole labor market across Korea. Korea's major commercial banks have already begun positioning themselves around the chipmakers' payouts. One major bank is even considering stationing private bankers at satellite branches near the two companies' main sites, including SK hynix's headquarters in Icheon, Gyeonggi. Deploying private-banking staff for clients tied to a single employer is unusual, industry watchers said. "Satellite branches usually have only general staff handling remittances and loans, but we expect demand for asset management from these companies' employees to grow," a spokesperson at the bank said. "We are looking at reassigning our strongest private bankers." Another bank has held training sessions and product events at branches near SK hynix's headquarters, focused on individual retirement pensions, individual savings accounts, bancassurance and other tax-advantaged investment products. "We are pitching long-term wealth management aligned with how and when the bonuses are paid out, including company shares and retirement pension components," a representative said. Securities industry estimates put the combined bonus pool at roughly 30 trillion won for Samsung Electronics and 25 trillion won for SK hynix. The combined figure would exceed 2 percent of Korea's nominal GDP last year and more than double the 26.2 trillion won supplementary budget passed last month in response to the Middle East war. "The semiconductor boom is likely to spread through the wage structures of other industries and expand cash in circulation, with significant implications for the macro economy," said Yang Jun-sok, a professor of economics at Catholic University. "It could also feed into monetary policy decisions, including the base rate and economic outlook." The concern is that the sudden surge of cash will fuel inflation. In a report on Tuesday, Bloomberg Economics said the bonuses could make Korea's AI-driven chip boom a new driver of inflation and housing costs that the central bank will need to confront. The payouts are shifting from a company-level labor matter into a force that spreads semiconductor profits across the wider economy, feeding household cash, asset prices and wages, wrote Kwon Hyo-sung, the firm's Korea and Taiwan economist. "For the Bank of Korea, this adds to both financial-stability and inflation risks," Kwon wrote, adding that the trend leaves room for at least 1 percentage point of monetary tightening by the first half of 2027. The Bank of Korea is also watching whether the chipmakers' profit- and performance-linked bonus structures spread to other industries such as automaking, shipbuilding, refining and finance. An overall higher level of wage settlements with unions would lead to pressure on inflation, but unions at Hyundai Motor, Kia, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries and LG U+ are already ramping up their demand for higher paychecks. Increased government spending based on higher corporate tax revenue is another inflation variable, fueling expectations of rate hikes. Kim Sang-bong, a professor of economics at Hansung University, said the geographic distribution of those receipts would matter. "If a substantial portion of the increased tax revenue is concentrated as local tax in regions where the companies' worksites are located, it could lead to gaps in infrastructure," Kim said. The bonus story is showing up in education and job markets too. A decades-old Korean ranking for so-called prestigious university majors — medicine, dentistry, oriental medicine, pharmacy and veterinary science — has even welcomed semiconductors as its latest addition. A n...

Yang Sung-hee The author is a cultural columnist. "People of 100 years from now, are you still eating tuna sashimi rolls? Are you still drinking local craft beer? Do you still read scraps of poetry? I regret that I will not live for 100 more years and so cannot hear your answer. Are you happy now?" Those lines — rendered from the original Japanese text — are from a short poem, the title of which translates to "A Message to the World 100 Years from Now," by Japanese poet Shuntaro Tanikawa. While reading the poem, I remembered a moment from my high school years. Looking out a bus window, I saw a young mother carrying a baby at a bus stop. Suddenly, I was struck by the thought that 100 years in the future, neither I nor the mother, the child or anyone standing there would still exist. The realization landed like a blow. It may have been my first encounter with the feeling of impermanence. An acquaintance often repeated the phrase "dust after 100 years." Since everyone becomes dust after a century, he would say, there is little reason to fight or struggle so desperately. The Bible offers a similar reminder: "For dust thou art, and into dust shalt thou return." Tanikawa, widely regarded as Japan's national poet, gives readers existential resonance through plain and concise language. Without grand declarations, he asks readers a century in the future whether they are happy. Customs may change, but human life continues. His gentle wish for the happiness of unknown future readers carries an unexpected emotional weight. The quoted poem appears at the end of the 2013 book "Writing Poetry" (translated), adapted from Tanikawa's appearance on NHK's interview program "100 Years Interview" (translated), featuring figures expected to be remembered a century later. In the book, Tanikawa reflects that unexpected words arrive when a person empties themselves of as much as possible. He also suggests that the universe is fundamentally meaningless and that human beings drape it with meaning through language. Readers of his work sense that poetry is less a search for answers than an attentive way of noticing fleeting things before they disappear from around us. Several of his poems appear in Japanese school textbooks. One of the best known, the title of which translates to "Living," captures the wonder of ordinary existence: "To be alive now means to be thirsty, to see sunlight shining through leaves, to suddenly remember a song, to sneeze, to hold your hand." The poem reminds readers that life is a magnificent collection of small moments encountered every day. This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Son Sook-mee The author is the chair of the Gender Equality Committee at the Hansun Foundation and a former head of the Korea Population, Health and Welfare Association. For decades, Korea's marriage culture has been built around the idea of a "fully prepared marriage." A couple was expected to secure a respectable newlywed home, typically through a jeonse lease, furnish it adequately and hold stable jobs before crossing the threshold into married life. Although attitudes have evolved, traces of this traditional mindset remain deeply embedded in the public consciousness. Among these requirements, housing has long been the greatest obstacle. Unique among Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries, Korea's jeonse system historically functioned as a housing ladder, allowing ordinary households to reduce monthly housing expenses and accumulate assets through large lump-sum deposits instead of monthly rent. Yet the system has also drawn criticism for fueling housing speculation through so-called gap investments. The Lee Jae Myung administration's tighter lending regulations and expansion of land transaction permit zones were intended to curb speculative demand. In practice, however, the market has witnessed a sharp decline in jeonse listings and a surge in lease prices. Across the country, households are struggling with simultaneous increases in jeonse, monthly rent and home purchase prices. As the jeonse system enters what many view as a period of structural decline, landlords facing heavier property tax burdens are increasingly converting leases to monthly rent in pursuit of stable cash flow. According to the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, monthly-rent contracts accounted for 68.3 percent of all lease transactions in the first quarter, highlighting the speed of this transition. Among newly-married renter households, the share living under jeonse contracts has fallen because of concerns about rental fraud, tighter loan regulations and limited new housing supply. Meanwhile, the proportion relying on monthly rent continues to rise rapidly. Few advanced countries place as much psychological importance on securing a home before marriage as Korea does. In Western countries and Japan, couples commonly begin married life in rental housing, gradually save money and purchase a starter home before moving up over time. Marriage is viewed as a process of growth rather than a finished achievement. Korea places a particularly heavy burden on men. Social expectations that a groom should at least provide an apartment under a jeonse contract create significant pressure for men and raise barriers for women as well. A cultural tendency to regard beginning married life in a studio apartment or small villa as a sign of hardship or failure reinforces a status-conscious approach to marriage and pushes young people toward unrealistic standards. The decline of jeonse and the expansion of a rent-based market could reduce the immediate burden of raising hundreds of millions of won for a housing deposit. For couples who postponed marriage because they could not secure such funds, the shift may create an opportunity to begin married life sooner. The challenge comes afterward. When a large share of household income is devoted to rent, housing insecurity remains unresolved. Young couples may marry but continue postponing childbirth for years. High rental costs make it difficult to accumulate assets and erode confidence in the future. Simply urging people to change their attitudes toward marriage will not solve the problem. For a culture in which newlyweds naturally begin in modest rental housing to take root, government and society must meet three conditions. First, housing prices must stabilize and gradually decline over the long term. As long as people fear that failing to buy now means never owning a home, few will choose a growth-oriented path to marriage. Second, the supply of high-quality long-term public...

The author is a professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University. As political parties focus on Wednesday's local elections, another milestone arrives the following day. Thursday marks the first anniversary of the Lee Jae Myung administration. Much has changed during President Lee's first year in office. Most notably, his administration restored a measure of stability after six months of severe turmoil, division and uncertainty triggered by former President Yoon Suk Yeol's declaration of martial law. Diplomatically, the government managed relations with the United States despite U.S. President Donald Trump's unpredictable tariff and security policies and achieved progress in relations with Japan. Economically, exports increased despite difficult conditions, and the stock market enjoyed a strong run. These developments helped sustain Lee's approval ratings in the 60 percent range. Political factors also contributed to that success. The first year of any presidency typically benefits from a honeymoon period. Public memories of the turmoil surrounding martial law and impeachment remained fresh. The opposition, meanwhile, struggled to escape Yoon's shadow even after losing power. Against that backdrop, the administration often found it easier to govern. Whenever political difficulties arose, the president and the ruling party could invoke the cause of "overcoming the insurrection" as a powerful political argument. Yet it would be unrealistic to expect such favorable conditions to continue into the second year. One notable feature of the local election campaign is that the Democratic Party (DP)'s insurrection narrative appears to be losing its political effectiveness. Party leader Jung Chung-rae repeatedly raised the issue on the campaign trail, but the public response was noticeably weaker than before. The election may mark a turning point at which Yoon Suk Yeol's political impact has faded, and the Lee administration itself has become the primary object of public evaluation. Before the campaign began, many expected the DP to win nearly every metropolitan mayoral and gubernatorial race outside North Gyeongsang. As campaigning intensified, however, races in politically significant cities such as Seoul and Busan became increasingly competitive. Whatever the election outcome, the Lee administration is entering a new phase in which it can no longer rely on criticism of its predecessor as a political shield. From now on, the administration's achievements and shortcomings will be judged on their own merits. One of the most important challenges facing President Lee is restoring Korean democracy. Since democratization, Korea has faced two major crises: the Asian financial crisis and the period surrounding the declaration of martial law. President Kim Dae-jung overcame the economic emergency by emphasizing burden-sharing and national unity while transforming the economy's structure. That achievement remains central to his legacy. The democratic crisis, however, has not yet been resolved. Judicial proceedings concerning the martial law episode continue, but the political polarization that helped produce the crisis remains unchanged. The DP's majoritarian approach has become normalized. President Lee himself often frames politics as a struggle between "us" and those perceived as harming communities and livelihoods. Several controversial initiatives have fueled suspicions that political considerations linked to the president's legal risks are influencing policy decisions. Together with the so-called judicial reform bills, these moves have raised concerns about the judiciary's neutrality and independence. During the first year, many such issues were overshadowed by the legacy of the previous administration. Going forward, however, similar actions are likely to translate directly into negative assessments of the current government. The president may also need to reconsider his governing style. If Lee...