Authoritarian Waves Crashing: Dan Slater Reinterprets the Third Wave of Democratization

In the new episode of our monthly special in cooperation with the Journal of Democracy, Dan Slater discusses the authoritarian origins of the third wave of democratization.Dan Slater – who is James Orin Murfin Professor of Political Science and the director of the Center for Emerging Democracies at the International Institute at the University of Michigan – explains what inspired him to critique Samuel Huntington’s influential interpretation of the third waveof democratization; discusses the rise and fall of left-wing and right-wing authoritarian waves in the 1970s and 1980s; examines how the democratization of countries thatexited left-wing authoritarian regimes may have differed from those leaving behind right-wing ones; considers the extent to which geopolitics might explain politicalchange; and reflects on what might be new and distinct  about the current wave of right-wing authoritarianism– and how the authoritarian waves of the recent past might help us grasp it better.In the framework of this partnership, authors discuss outstanding articles from the latest print issue of the Journal of Democracy. The conversation is based on Dan Slater’sarticle “The Authoritarian Origins of the Third Wave” which has been published in the April 2025 (36/2) issue.

In this wide-ranging conversation on hydrology and climate change, Dr. Dipak Gyawali, former Minister of Water Resources for Nepal, offers a series of crucial insights into the often indifferent, selectively inadequate, and politically compromised responses to the climate crisis. Arguing for a more sophisticated, multipronged approach, Dr. Gyawali critiques dominant Western scientific paradigms for failing to recognize the climate crisis primarily as a crisis of water. He highlights how these frameworks not only marginalizewater-related concerns but also frequently dismiss indigenous hydrological knowledge systems as unscientific or primitive, thereby reinforcing global hierarchies of knowledge and power.Urging communities and policymakers alike to rethink the prevailing narratives that frame climate change, Dr. Gyawalisituates his critique in the context of Nepal—a landlocked country with an estimated 6,000 rivers and the world’s second-largest reserve of fresh water. For Dr. Gyawali, Nepal serves as a powerful case study of how globalized,technocratic approaches often overlook the political and democratic dimensions of water governance. He argues that genuine sustainability cannot be achieved without broad-based equitability over governance. Drawing from his ownexperiences both as a field researcher and as a minister navigating the political complexities of water policy, he underscores how centralized, top-down management of water resources often exacerbates existing inequalitiesand undermines democratic decision-making processes. In this light, he calls for a radical rethinking of global “hydro-hegemony”—the political domination of water resources by powerful interests—and urges a shift toward more inclusive,community-driven models of hydrological governance. Dr. Gyawali challenges the international community to move beyond tokenistic gestures and to engagemeaningfully with the democratic potential embedded in local and indigenous approaches to water stewardship.

Since the seminal 2018 Portuguese Judges case, it has been established that violations of values enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) can be litigated before the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Currently, proceedings are ongoing in the European Commission’s infringement action against Hungary, the argument being that its anti-LGBTQI+ laws breach provisions of the internal market, several Charter rights, and, importantly, the common values enshrined in Article 2 TEU. The case, known as Valeurs de l’Union, has been hailed as the “largest human rights battle in EU history.”In this RevDem Rule of Law podcast episode, our co-managing editor, Dr. Oliver Garner, discusses the enforcement of the Union’s values at the Member State level as well as at the Union’s institutional level with Dr. Luke Dimitrios Spieker.Dr. Spieker is Senior Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law and Postdoctoral Researcher at Humboldt University in Berlin. In his monograph, EU Values before the Court of Justice, published by Oxford University Press, he analyzes the foundations, potential, and risks of the mobilization of Article 2 TEU.

In this episode of the Democracy After 2024 series, Zsuzsanna Végh and Daniel Hegedűs examine transatlantic cooperation between state and non-state actors in the United States and Hungary. They analyze commonalities in narratives and shared practices, assessing their impact on democracy in Central and Eastern Europe and beyond.Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this episode are solely those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the German Marshall Fund of the United States or any institutions or organizations with which they are affiliated. Zsuzsanna Végh is a program officer at the German Marshall Fund of the United States and an associate researcher at the European Council on Foreign Relations. Her analytical focus is on the populist radical right in Central and Eastern Europe, its impact on foreign policy and democratic quality, and the foreign and EU policies of the Visegrád countries.Daniel Hegedüs is a German Marshall Fund of the United States regional director, Transatlantic Trusts Central Europe. His focus is on populism and democratic backsliding in Central and Eastern Europe, and the European and foreign affairs of the Visegrad countries.Lilit Hakobyan edited the audio file. Cover image: Polina Fedorenko

Debates about the politicization of constitutional courts are as old as the institution itself. The concept’s originator, Hans Kelsen, emphasized the importance of preventingmembers of the government and parliament from sitting on constitutional courts, “because their acts are the acts to be controlled by the court.” While this idea is deeply entrenched—at least to the extent that simultaneous membershipin the executive or legislative and judicial branches is widely prohibited—the same does not hold true across other temporal dimensions. In his new book Ex-Ministersas Constitutional Judges, published by Oxford University Press, Prof. Mathias Möschel examines the effects—both negative and positive—of this practice, focusing on theconstitutional courts of France, Italy, Austria, and Germany.Ex-Ministers as Constitutional Judges takes a unique and unprecedented comparative approach in the debate about the politicization of constitutional courts, drawing oninterviews with more than 30 current or former constitutional judges. Möschel explains that his interest in the phenomenon — the appointment of politicians to constitutional courts — arose from observing this practice in the differentcountries covered in the book, all of which he knows through either his work or his personal background. The final decisionto write a book on this topic was prompted by the affair surrounding Wolfgang Brandstetter, a former Austrian Federal Minister of Justice who became a judgeof the Austrian Constitutional Court with virtually no gap after serving as a member of the Executive. Following ascandal in which sensitive chats between Brandstetter — by then a judge — and employees of the Ministry of Justice became public, he resigned from his position.The conversation then turns to the findings of Möschel’s book — specifically, the risks and benefits of appointing former ministers as guardians of the constitution.Although all the courts analyzed are located in mainland Europe, their design and institutional culture differ substantially, which leads to varying outcomeswhen politicians are appointed. As for the potential benefits, Möschel explains that strong political personalities can lend courts both prestige and political stamina — qualities that have been historically important, as theconstitutional courts were not always the widely accepted institutions they are today. Other important benefits include a deeper understanding of political processes — often greater than that of career judges or legal scholars — aswell as, in some cases, specific expertise in relevant fields. However, as Möschel points out, these advantages also come with risks — the “flipside of the coin.” Former politicians on constitutional courts not only pose an inherent challenge to the separation of powers but may also find themselvesruling on legal matters in which they were previously involved, raising concerns about the respect for a principle as old as ancient Rome: nemo iudex in causa sua — no oneshould be a judge in their own case.The conversation then turns to the question of whether the risks or the benefits outweigh the other. While Möschel’s Austrian interviewees clearly argued that the risks aretoo high to be considered acceptable, in Italy and Germany the prevailing view is that “only the quantity makes the poison” — meaning former ministers areacceptable as long as they are not too numerous. In contrast, in France, it almost seems natural for a judge of the ConseilConstitutionnel to have previously been part of the executive. Weighing the risks and benefits he has identified, Möschel concludes that the former outweigh the latter. However, this issue does not seem to play a significant role in the context of democratic backsliding — at least not inPoland under the PiS Government or in Hungary under Fidesz, where the appointees aimed at capturing constitutional courts had different profiles.

Populism is often framed as a challenge to democracy. Butwhat about anti-populism? Does opposing populism protect democratic institutions, or does it risk pushing politics toward elitism and exclusion, eroding social cohesion and deepening polarization? With the latest global developments, including Donald Trump’s resurgence in the United States and the growing influence of Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, these questions have never felt more urgent. In this episode of the Review of Democracy Podcast, our editor Ece Özbey sits down with Dr. Giorgos Venizelos to unpack the complexities of the populism vs. anti-populism debate and explore what this struggle means for the future of democracy worldwide.

Historical Archives of the EuropeanUnion - a Space of Knowledge ProductionAdrian Matus interviews Jacqueline Gordon (Communication Specialist at the Historical Archives of theEuropean Union, Florence) and Anastasia Remes (Archivist at the Historical Archives of the European Union, Florence).Archives are vital for knowledge formation. Historians and social scientists rely on these spaces to shape new narratives and question the past. Yet, archives often seem to be unveiled in a sort of mystery, which might be partly due to the access restrictions for the specialists and broader public alike. However, not all thearchives follow this restrictive approach. On the contrary, many institutions started to favour openness and transparency. Rather than limiting access forthe researchers and the larger public, they encourage interactions on different levels. Such institutions provide primary sources for specialized researchers, create workshops for university and high-school students and also engage the broaderpublic through exhibitions and online presence. In doing so, archives provide a fresh understanding of their own role in the 21st century.One example of such space favouring openness and transparency is the Historical Archives of the European Union (HAEU), based in Florence. In this episodeof Open Space(s), we speak with JacquelineGordon, Communication Specialist at the HAEU, and Anastasia Remes, Archivist at the same institution. Throughout this podcast, they share themultiple reasons that make this archive unique, highlighting its defining features and current challenges. Unlike national archives, the HAEU does not belong to any state. Instead, it is a transnational one that preserves documents created by various EU institutions,collects private papers of individuals, movements and international organizations that lead to the European integration, stores oral historyinterviews, and engages with the larger public throughout its educational projects. By reading the documents, one can have a unique insight into the personal experiences, negotiations, as well as informal decisions that shapedthe EU. The location of the archives also plays a crucial role, as Florence is not one of the EU’s main political centers. Instead, the founders chose this place because of the proximity of the European University Institute (EUI), where scholars often focus on the history of European integration. Although its geographical location might pose particularlogistical challenges, many of the HAEU’s archival materials can also be consulted online or through on-demand digitization programs, as Anastasia Remesmentioned in the podcast:“ (…) we are creating digital copies for preservation and foraccess. During the COVID-10 pandemic, this became very important, as people were not able to travel to Florence to consult the original documents.” In this way, the physical space of the archivenaturally extends into the digital realm by facilitating researchers’ access to primary sources.

We are thrilled to bring you the next episode of our monthlyspecial in cooperation with the Journal of Democracy. In the framework of this new partnership, our editors discuss outstanding articles from the newest print issue of the journal with their authors. In this conversation with Nomi Lazar, Professor of Public and International Affairs at the University of Ottawa, and Jeremy Wallace, Professor of China Studies at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, we engagewith their spirited defense of democracy in the face of calls for the deployment of emergency powers to come up with solutions to the worsening climate crisis. Nomi and Jeremy highlight the pitfalls of emergency legislation and spell out the key resources that in their view democracies andonly democracies bring to the table in the combat to prevent climate breakdown.The conversation also touches on China’s impressive climate record, the shortcomings of liberal democratic government, the need for more egalitarian forms of democracy, and some of the ways in which well-designed emergency legislation could still prove useful. The conversation is based on their joint article, “Resisting the Authoritarian Temptation,” published in the January 2025 (36/1) issue of the Journal of Democracy.

The European Council brings together all of the heads andstates of government of the European Union in order to drive policy.  In the last decade the EU has faced crises of the economy, membership, values, and migration. This conversation between our co-managing editor Oliver Garner and Dr .Martina Vass considers these issues through the lens of the latter's monograph "LeadershipStyles in the European Council: How Leaders Behave Behind Closed Doors" (Palgrave Macmillan, 2024).

Is democracy sustainable without informed, virtuous, and engaged citizens? Can political institutions shape the kind of citizenry democracy needs? These questions lie at the heart of Democracy Tamed: French Liberalism and the Politics of Suffrage, the compelling new book by political theorist Gianna Englert, who joins us in this episode of RevDem.As contemporary anxieties grow over the future of liberal democracy and the rise of populism, Englert turns our attention to 19th-century France, where liberal thinkers grappled with similar dilemmas in the wake of the French Revolution.Englert reconstructs how a generation of French liberals—including Benjamin Constant, François Guizot, Alexis de Tocqueville, Édouard Laboulaye, and Ernest Duvergier de Hauranne—sought to chart a path toward democraticinclusion that did not compromise their liberal commitments to individual freedom, institutional stability, and rational governance. Central to their efforts was the idea of political capacity: the belief that suffrage should be tied to a citizen’s ability to exercise it responsibly. Englert argues that political capacity emerged as a flexible and evolving standard—shaped by France’s shifting social and economic realities—which enabled liberals to reconcile democratic expansion with their core political principles.In our conversation, Englert reflects on the transnationalinfluences that shaped this capacitarian discourse, the moral and educational ambitions of liberal reformers, and the ongoing relevance of their ideas in an age of democratic uncertainty. Tune in for a rich exploration of a forgottenliberal tradition that still speaks to the challenges confronting democracy today.