Cleopatra, Patriarchy, and the Trap of Honor

CW// self-harm and suicideKara and Amber take on the most famous death in all of antiquity—Cleopatra VII’s—and ask what “honor” really means when the sources are Roman, i.e. biased AF, and the stakes are imperial, that is Octavian is using Cleopatra’s fall to condense all power into the hands of one person, his own. Starting with a timeline of events, Kara and Amber unpack Octavian’s propaganda about Cleopatra’s death by suicide, and Kara argues that the suicide story serves Rome far more than it serves Egypt’s last queen. Using David Graeber’s Debt as a lens, they consider the ways in which honor, debt, and violence travel together in patriarchal systems—and how those rules are gendered. Antony’s suicide reads as “honorable,” while Cleopatra’s is framed as hysterical and selfish and maternal abandonment—all the worst things a woman within patriarchy could do. They probe the politics of narratives about “honor” that trap women who rule (with nods to Hatshepsut, Nefertiti, and Zenobia). The result is a sharp, feminist read of Cleopatra’s end.Or, as Kara likes to say: Suicide my ass… he straight up killed her and lied about it.Fight me. :)Show notesDavid Graeber’s DebtCheck out our other episodes on Cleopatra:Episode #57 – Reception, Ownership, and Race: Netflix’s “Queen Cleopatra”Episode #60 – Part II: Reception, Ownership, and Race: Netflix’s “Queen Cleopatra”Episode #82 – The Death of Cleopatra: Murder or Suicide? Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

Kara and Amber unpack what Kara has described as perhaps the most consequential object of her career: the coffin used to (re)bury Thutmose III. The story behind this king’s coffin spans centuries—running from the height of the 18th Dynasty—when it was first made—through the Late Ramesside turmoil—when it was first exhumed—and into the 20th–21st Dynasties—when the coffin was opened, closed, and reopened to source gold and use the body of the king as a kind of talisman for power. This coffin provides an excellent case study to help us understand how royal burials—and royal corpses—were manipulated, remade, and redeployed as tools that manufactured social power. Kara walks us through the forensic clues on the object itself—two uraeus holes (think vulture and cobra on the mask of Tutankhamun!), layers of plaster (that means redecoration!) tool marks (scraping away all that gilding!), traces of gilding (regilding a thin layer after taking a thick layer), and multiple sets of mortise-and-tenons (as the case and lid sides get thinner and thinner!)—to show at least two major interventions before the coffin was finally cached in Deir el-Bahri 320, stripped of just about all its precious materials. During this discussion, Kara and Amber explore some of the reasons Thutmose III was resurrected as a divine ancestor by later generations of warlords (like Payankh and Herihor!), how “caretaking” and commodification coexisted, and what these acts can tell us about civil conflict, migration, and elite replacement in the late Bronze Age. This is a forensic case study that reveals object stratigraphy as power politics. Show notesFor a discussion of the ritual repair of mummies from the Deir el Bahri 320 cache, check out Afterlives of Ancient Egypt, Episode #88.For more about Thutmose III and the veneration of royal ancestors, check out Afterlives of Ancient Egypt, Episode #83.SourcesBrown, Nicholas. 2020. “Raise Me Up and Repel My Weariness! A study of the coffin of Thutmose III (CG 61014).” MDAIK 76/77: 11-35.Cooney, Kathlyn. “Surviving New Kingdom Kings’ Coffins: Restoring the Art That Was.” Arts 2025, 14(3), 57; https://doi.org/10.3390/arts14030057.Cooney, Kara. 2024. Recycling for Death: Coffin Reuse in Ancient Egypt and the Theban Royal Caches. Cairo and New York: The American University in Cairo Press. [Buy it on Amazon or on the AUCP website.] Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

Akhenaten physically manifested his cult to the sun, building a capital city at a break in the cliffs that created the perfect sunrise hieroglyph on the east bank, a city filled with open air temples into which the sun’s rays could reach directly. He created no statues to represent divine solar power, no intercessor between god and king; the sun’s warmth and light could not be contained in a cult statue. To honor the sun god, Akhenaten created a simple and literal system of giving back what the sun god had given to his people: his Aten temples contained thousands of altars filled to overflowing with the bounty of his people’s produce—joints of beef, oxen heads, ducks and geese, bread loaves in all shapes and sizes, onions, garlic, beer and wine. In this episode, Kara Cooney and Amber Myers Wells dive into the overwhelming scale of the offering tables from Akhenaten’s reign and what they reveal about ritual, power, and ideology in the Amarna period. Why did Akhenaten commission thousands of offering tables for the Aten, who filled them, where did the food come from, and what does this short-lived practice tell us about the king’s vision of divine connection versus the economic and social realities of life at the new capital city of Akhetaten?This is a confusing topic with many outstanding questions; please communicate your confusion, quandaries, and ideas in the comments!Show notesFor more on the Great Aten Temple and Offering Tables, see the Amarna Project website, a treasure trove of information. Check out this image of Akhenaten offering in his great Aten Temple, as pictured in the tomb of one of his courtiers and the temple’s Chief Servant, Panehsy. For a statue fragment of Akhenaten holding his own personal offering table, see this piece at the Met! Ancient/Now is always free for everyone. If you want to help me pay Amber and Jordan what they are worth, consider becoming a paid subscriber. And thank you!SourcesCooney, Kathlyn M. 2007. The cost of death: the social and economic value of ancient Egyptian funerary art in the Ramesside period. Egyptologische Uitgaven 22. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.Janssen, Jac J. 1975. Commodity prices from the Ramessid period: an economic study of the village of necropolis workmen at Thebes. Leiden: E. J. Brill.Kemp, Barry. 2013. The city of Akhenaten and Nefertiti: Amarna and its people. London: Thames & Hudson.McClain, J. Brett and Kathlyn Cooney. 2005. “The daily offering meal in the ritual of Amenhotep I: an instance of the local adaptation of cult liturgy.” Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 5, 41-78. DOI: 10.1163/156921205776137963. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

CW: This episode includes discussion of sexual themes, including incest and child sexual abuse. Listener discretion advised.In this episode, Kara and Amber take on one of Amarna’s most famous images—the so-called “house altar” showing Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and their three daughters beneath the Aten (Ägyptisches Museum/Neues Museum, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Inv. no ÄM 14145). At a glance, this relief seems to show a sweet private scene of domesticity and familial affection, but taking the time to do some close-looking reveals how the scene might covey so much more. Kara unpacks how—to initiated elite eyes, at least—the piece encodes theology, court politics, sexual and reproductive power. What might Nefertiti’s unique blue crown signal about containment of solar power? Why are the girls’ bodies shown the way they are, like tiny women but with the heads of infants? And how might a palace loyalist use such an altar to telegraph succession hopes—and anxieties—without writing a word? It’s all here, encoded in the stone. Along the way Kara and Amber also explore ancient Egyptian ideas of divine conception, the harem as a political machine, why Amarna “realism” isn’t exactly realism, but an idealized magical end goal, and how royal bodies carried the burden of sustaining royal legitimacy and succession. Show notesObject entry on Google Arts & CultureFor more on the commodification of women’s and girl’s bodies, see:Episode #69 - Bodies and Power in the Ancient WorldCooney, Kathlyn M. 2025. Body power in the ancient world: patriarchal power and the commodification of women. In Thompson, Shane M. and Jessica Tomkins (eds), Understanding power in ancient Egypt and the Near East, volume I: Approaches, 104-135. Leiden; Boston: Brill. DOI: 10.1163/9789004712485_006.For more on harems in ancient Egypt, see:Episode #41 - Power and Politics in the Egyptian HaremCooney, Kathlyn M., Chloe Landis, and Turandot Shayegan 2023. The body of Egypt: how harem women connected a king with his elites. In Candelora, Danielle, Nadia Ben-Marzouk, and Kathlyn M. Cooney (eds),Ancient Egyptian society: challenging assumptions, exploring approaches, 336-348. London; New York: Routledge. DOI: 10.4324/9781003003403-31.For the Amenhotep III conception scene discussed in the episode, see:Krauss, Rolf. “Die Amarnazeitliche Familienstele Berlin 14145 Unter Besonderer Berücksichtigung von Maßordnung Und Komposition.” Jahrbuch Der Berliner Museen 33 (1991): 7–36. https://doi.org/10.2307/4125873. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

Egyptian priests didn’t just waft incense and mutter incantations; they had to run the cosmic machine, make sure the sun rose and set, the Nile rose and receded as appropriate. From feeding the gods to managing temple estates, priesthood sat where divinity, money, and monarchy intersected. It’s not that the Egyptian priests were so simple-minded as to believe humans were needed for grand actions of cosmic continuance, but rather they realized pleasing the gods would bring the best version of divine power into the human world—whether that best version was copper (Hathor), wheat and barley (Osiris), inundation (Sobek), healthy children (Isis), or miraculous craft (Ptah). The Egyptians thus knew they had to create a perfect habitat to pull the gods into their human spaces. First the god needed a body, a sacred statue made of precious things like gold, silver, electrum, precious stones, glass. Then that body needed a grand house, the temple. And the divinity would have to be carefully cleaned and anointed, fed the best bread and beer, wine and beef, duck and lettuce. The gods had to be dressed in fine linens, entertained with dancing and music. Without such magnificent bribery, they wouldn’t be pulled into the realm of the human, we are told, and they wouldn’t bestow their gifts. This was a give and take world, after all. Divine-human quid pro quo. When you tug on the priestly thread of religion in ancient Egypt, the garment unravels into issues of restricted knowledge, kingship, patriarchy, money, land, and power. Let’s start with the basics: what was a priest in ancient Egypt? When you think of an Egyptian priest, think of a specialist, someone set apart and equipped with bespoke and unusual knowledge of how to connect with the divine. He could read and write; he had thousands of incantations memorized. He knew the movements to make in front of the shrine, how loudly or quietly to speak, when to raise or lower his eyes. He held restricted knowledge that few had—spells that woke the god, calmed them, provided the conditions for their transformations—because in the end every god was representative of a life and death cycle that had to be renewed. Osiris had to be transformed seasonally, the sun god daily, the goddess yearly. Never forget that his knowledge of texts and spells made him privileged. It gave him power and access to those with political, economic and military power. And in ancient Egypt, these worldly powers were combined with religious powers such that the pharaoh was the highest of high priests atop a hierarchy descending down to his chief priests, lector priests, and on to the lowest wab priest, all of them helping to run the whole sacred-human game. But alongside the rituals that sustained the gods and the cosmos came bureaucracy, taxes, the constant search for income to keep the temple open. Priests didn’t just chant incantations and carry out their religious duties—they managed vast estates, redistributed offerings, and, in many cases, enriched themselves. They also needed to pay / feed their employees, other priests. When the state pulled their financial support, they invented a number of income creating schemes, including animal mummies and votives available for purchase. Selling a couple thousand of those a year would set a Late Period temple up well. So, were the Egyptians devout? Absolutely. But not in the way we think of “belief.” They didn’t sit around wondering if the gods were real. Divinity was everywhere—the sun on your skin, the river rising or not, the fate of your harvest. You got up in the morning and did your rituals because if you didn’t, the whole system might collapse. It wasn’t a question of faith. It was survival—pull the gods into your man-made temples or suffer the consequences. So go hug a tree, light a candle, pull a tarot card—make your own connection to the spirit world. The Egyptians would tell you it’s not about belief. It’s about participation.Show Notes* Forshaw, Roger. The Role of the Lector in Ancient Egyptian Society. Archaeopress, 2014. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqc6jxb. Accessed 1 Sept. 2025.* Sauneron, Serge. 1960. The priests of ancient Egypt. Translated by Ann Morrissett. Evergreen Profile Book 12. New York: Grove.* Wilkinson. 2000. The Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt. * Lazaridis, Nikolaos. 2010. Education and apprenticeship. Edited by Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich. UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology 2010 (October), 14 p., 2 figs [ills].* Haring, Ben. 2007. Ramesside temples and the economic interests of the state: crossroads of the sacred and the profane. In Fitzenreiter, Martin (ed.), Das Heilige und die Ware: Eigentum, Austausch und Kapitalisierung im Spannungsfeld von Ökonomie und Religion, 165-170. London: Golden House.* Haring, B. J. J. 1997. Divine households: administrative and economic aspects of the New Kingdom royal memorial temples in western Thebes. Egyptologische Uitgaven 12. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.* Gillam, Robyn. 2016 “The Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance.”* God’s Wife of Amun* Ayad, Mariam F. (2009). God's Wife, God's Servant: The God's Wife of Amun (c. 740–525 BC). Routledge. ISBN 9780415411707.* See also Kara’s monograph on Hatshepsut, “The Women Who Would Be King” * Personal Piety* Baines, John. 2021. Was the king of Egypt the sole qualified priest of the gods? In Collombert, Philippe, Laurent Coulon, Ivan Guermeur, and Christophe Thiers (eds), Questionner le sphinx: mélanges offerts à Christiane Zivie-Coche 1, 73-97. Le Caire: Institut français d'archéologie orientale.* Kemp, Barry J. 1995. How religious were the ancient Egyptians? Cambridge Archaeological Journal 5 (1), 25-54. DOI: 10.1017/S0959774300001177* Sola Busca TarotAncient/Now is a reader-supported publication. All is free and available, but Jordan and Amber cannot work for free! To receive new posts and support our work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

[Content Warning: This episode includes discussions of sexual themes(!), power(!!), and the exploitation of bodies(!!!).]Join Kara Cooney and Amber Myers Wells for a deep dive into one of the most peculiar and beautiful objects from the tomb of Tutankhamun (we think!)—a painted wooden head emerging from a blue lotus. Was it meant to show the child god Nefertem? A cosmic birth scene? A sensual drug trip? Or all of the above? In this episode, we explore the sculpture’s religious symbolism, Amarna influences, sketchy findspot, and what it tells us about birth, rebirth, and the power of divine femininity. One object, endless meanings.Don’t miss Kara’s companion post to this episode on Ancient/Now!Show notesTutankhamun Head of Nefertem, New Kingdom, 18th Dynasty, reign of Tutankhamun, ca. 1332-1323 BC. Found at the entrance of his tomb (KV62). Valley of the Kings, West Thebes. Now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo. JE 60723Howard Carter’s object card (Griffith Institute)WikipediaBlue lotus flowerReferencesHawass, Zahi. 2007. The Head of Nefertem. In King Tutankhamun. The Treasures of The Tomb. Thames & Hudson, London 2007, p. 16.Hoving, Thomas. 1980. Tutankhamun: The Untold Story. Rowman & Littlefield (reprint, 2002). James, T. G. H. 2000. Tutankhamun. White Star: Metro Books.Munro, Peter. 1980. "Tutanchamun als Sonnengott." In the exhibition catalogue Tutanchamun in Köln. von Zabern, Mainz, p. 140–141.Schlögl, Hermann 1977. Der Sonnengott auf der Blüte: eine ägyptische Kosmogonie des Neuen Reiches. Aegyptiaca Helvetica 5. Genève: Éditions de Belles-Lettres.Seton-Williams, M. V. 1980. Tutanchamun. Der Pharao. Das Grab. Der Goldschatz. Ebeling, Luxembourg, p. 120. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

Content Warning: Adult themes of sex and sexuality; death and traumaIn this podcast episode, we take a deep dive into pregnancy and giving birth in ancient Egypt. How were fertility issues dealt with? How was conception conceptualized? What was the childbirth process like? What role did magical rituals and belief in the gods play? What role did midwives, doctors, wet nurses, and others play in the process? And what can we gain from the experiences of these ancient people today? We ultimately come to understand that ancient Egyptian birth was a private matter that took place in the home, that the baby and mother received the support of intimate and extended family, that the new mother was welcomed back into society with celebrations of her beauty and fecundity, a rite of passage in which community was integral. Indeed, all of this is exactly what pregnant individuals and new parents are missing and seeking out in 2025. We might assume that it is better to be pregnant now than in the ancient world. And in some ways it is— antibiotics, anesthesia, and sonograms save lives everyday. But we also know healthcare access is not equal across race and socio-economic status, governments are defunding care facilities, and a woman’s right to choose are all under threat. To make matters worse, as of a 2023 JAMA study, U.S. pregnancy-related deaths are on a steep uptake since 1999, especially amongst Indigenous and Black communities. The defunding of pregnancy and childbirth-related services, like Planned Parenthood, is one contributing factor. Given that cuts to abortion access are meant to push women back into traditional, shut-in, patriarchal roles, please don’t expect a glorification of the ancient world here. But we can’t laud the modern situation either. Let’s just say that we can learn useful lessons from both sides of our human selves. It’s complicated.All of our current medical possibilities have created their own unintended overmedicalized consequences that no one in the ancient world had to suffer. Today’s drug-induced births, often chosen for the convenience of medical staff, create contractions that are ten times more painful than normal contractions. The high number of chemically induced births demands that modern American mothers labor for hours under epidural spinal pain blocking, accompanied by heavy opioids. The inability to feel anything during the birth process takes agency away from the mother entirely. She cannot move; she pushes from her back. No squatting and birth bricks for her. No gravity to assist the descent of the baby in the birth canal. Instead, very long labor can result in traumatized mothers with ripped tissue, babies squeezed and pulled out of the birth canal. Many modern births result in overmedicalized interventions, thus the high rate of cesarean sections, which are 5x more likely to cause complications than vaginal births. The COVID-19 pandemic hit pregnant and post-childbirth individuals particularly hard. Even celebrities— people we would assume would have the best medical treatment available— have had near-death experiences (Read about Serena Williams’ ordeal). In many ways, the modern (American) birth process is a system perfected to create trauma and loneliness. I think if we had the choice presented to us with clarity, most of us would want to give birth the ancient way—with community and agency—but with modern aids like surgical ways of dealing with a cord wrapped around the baby’s neck, or a stuck shoulder, or a placenta blocking the birth canal, or means of stopping hemorrhaging, or antibiotics to stop infection. Somehow our discussions about childbirth have become very black and white, such that anyone demanding a midwife is putting their baby in mortal danger to the level of Oh-You-Would-Have-Wanted-The-Nazis-to-Win-World-War-II kind of rhetoric. But the ancient world can provide some much-needed nuance in our perspective of maternal agency, healthy outcomes, and community involvement.One of the most shocking findings of a recent study was the prevalence of mental health-related death in the 4th trimester (the time between birth and 12-week post-partum). Modern childbirth usually places the mother in charge of her baby alone. New parents are not getting the support and care they need. Instead of the embrace of the community in the ancient world, women today experience loneliness, anxiety, and isolation. But we are still those same people, in many ways, with the same desires, emotions, and bodies. And we don’t like being cut off from care. We want human connection during this essential rite of passage. It is no surprise that we are seeing a rise in midwifery and doulas as a way for pregnant individuals to take back the process. A doula is like a claim of emotional support, direct from the ancient world. Midwives are not just women taking care of women in the old ways, but a rejection of the formal doctor-knows-all over patient relationship. TikTok and other social media apps are also comparing how divergent countries deal with pregnancy and childbirth—making many Americans curious about more non-hyper-medicalized options.The modern world is so disassociated from community care that we have outsourced it, paying a postpartum nanny if you can afford it, to help support the parent during the precarious 4th trimester, for example. The ancient (patriarchal) world would have placed the new mother and baby in the arms of other mothers, aunts, and grandmothers. The ancient pre-patriarchal world would have allowed more caregiving from the father, uncles, and grandfathers, too.We don’t mean to romanticize the old ways. Indeed, in the ancient world, pregnancy and childbirth carried extraordinary risks and complications. One study on ancient Greece argued for a childbirth mortality rate as high as 30%. Though some recent studies of pre-modern Europe have pushed back against the idea that pregnancy and childbirth were always über dangerous— pregnancy complications, birth obstructions, hemorrhage, and infection were all too common.Prof. Anne Austin’s bioarchaeological work (2024) at Deir el-Medina found a high rate of female deceased in young adulthood, which could be linked to childbirth complications. Experts have even identified mummified individuals who died during childbirth with the fetus still in the birth canal (though one is debated…). Babies who died as a result of miscarriage, stillbirth, or early childhood deaths received special burial treatment, often within the confines of the home or in pots. The ancient Egyptians didn’t place their youngest and most vulnerable into the necropolis; they were kept in the home, usually under the floor.Yes, childbearing was and is hard, but it wasn’t all doom and gloom…. There was magic and a hippo goddess!!Ancient/Now is a reader-supported publication. All our content is free and open to the public. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Show NotesFertility Treatments & Issues* Votive figurines* Waraksa, E. Female Figurines from the Mut Precinct: Context and Ritual Function. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 240. Fribourg; Göttingen: Academic Press; Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2009.* Teeter, E. Baked Clay Figurines and Votive Beds from Medinet Habu. OIP 133. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 2010* Plant aphrodisiacs – Blue lotus & mandrake* Ibrahim, Venice and Shehatta Attia. 2022. Some sedative plants in ancient Egypt: Egyptian blue lotus, hemp, mandrake & opium poppy. In Győry, Hedvig (ed.), Aegyptus et Pannonia VIII: Acta symposii anno 2021, volume 2, 259-297. Budapest: MEBT-ÓEB* Counsell, D. J. 2010. Blue lotus: ancient Egyptian narcotic and aphrodisiac? In Cockitt, Jenefer and Rosalie David (eds), Pharmacy and medicine in ancient Egypt: proceedings of the conferences held in Cairo (2007) and Manchester (2008), 51-55. Oxford: Archaeopress.* Comestic Spoons* Peter Lacovara – The Meaning and Symbolism of Swimming-Girl Spoons from EgyptConceptualizing Conception* Roth, Ann Macy. 2000. Father earth, mother sky: ancient Egyptian beliefs about conception and fertility. In Rautman, Alison E. (ed.), Reading the body: representations and remains in the archaeological record, 187-201. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. * Ancient Egyptian creation mythsGender Preferences and Infanticide* Mahi, Ali Tigani El. 2000. Prehistoric population controls in the Sudanese Nile Valley: a consideration of infanticide. Beiträge zur Sudanforschung 7, 103-118.* Schneider, Thomas. 2015. God's infanticide in the night of Passover: Exodus 12 in the light of ancient Egyptian rituals. In Arbel, Vita Daphna, Paul C. Burns, J. R. C. Cousland, Richard Menkis, and Dietmar Neufeld (eds), Not sparing the child: human sacrifice in the ancient world and beyond: studies in honor of Professor Paul G. Mosca, 52-76. London; New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark. DOI: 10.5040/9780567659170.ch-003.Depictions of Pregnancy in Egyptian ArtChildbirth Practices and Rituals* Samir, Nermeen. 2023. Childbirth postures within the Egyptian mammisis. In Abdelhalim Ali, Ali and Dagmar Budde (eds), Mammisis of Egypt: proceedings of the first international colloquium, held in Cairo, 27-28 March 2019, 279-290. Le Caire: Institut français d'archéologie orientale. * Andreeva, Anna, Erica Couto-Ferreira, and Susanne Töpfer. 2014. Childbirth and women’s healthcare in pre-modern societies: an assessment. Dynamis 34 (2), 279-287. DOI: 10.4321/S0211-95362014000200001.* Ladinig-Morawetz, Franz-Stephan. 2023. Defining "magic" using the example of Egyptian gynaecology. In Aguizy, Ola el- and Burt Kasparian (eds), ICE XII: proceedings of the Twelfth International Congress of Egyptologists, 3rd-8th November 2019, Cairo, Egypt 2, 1109-1115. [Cairo]: Institut français d'archéologie orientale.* The Role of Birth Wands and Bricks* Roth, Ann Macy and Catharine H. Roehrig. 2002. Magical bricks and the bricks of birth. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 88, 121-139.* Miller, Jordan. 2021. Emblematic representation on ancient Egyptian apotropaic wands. Archaeological Review from Cambridge 36 (2), 119-141. DOI: 10.17863/CAM.86209* Involvement of the gods – Bes, Tawaret, Hathor, and Isis Midwives, Doulas, and Village Support* Austin, Anne. 2024. Healthmaking in ancient Egypt: the social determinants of health at Deir el-Medina. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 138. Leiden; Boston: Brill. DOI: 10.1163/9789004700871.* O. Cairo J 72452, where the workmen’s crew got off for a childbirth* Amulets for childbirth that most likely originated from Deir el-Medina suggest that childbirth could have been within the purview of a zA.w or xrp-Srq.t (Austin 2024).* Geraldine Pinch, “Childbirth and Female Figurines at Deir El-Medina and El-‛Amarna,” Orientalia 52, no. 3 (1983): 405–14.* Arnette, “Purification Du Post-Partum et Rites Des Relevailles Dans l’Égypte Ancienne.”Thanks for reading Ancient/Now! This post is public and free, so feel free to share it. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

How was magic/ritual practice used in the lives of ancient Egyptians to resist and gain a sense of agency? In this episode of Afterlives of Ancient Egypt, Kara, Jordan, and extra special guest Dr. Jonathan Winnerman delve into the concept of 'magical resistance,' exploring how ancient Egyptians and people today use magic and rituals to gain a sense of power and agency. They discuss broad definitions of magic, because yeah scholars really fight about what magic is and what it isn’t, its role in the assassination of Ramses III, and the fine line between state–sanctioned and subversive magical practices. The inspiration for this episode was a Substack article from Ancient Rome, Modern Witch which looked at how ancient Romans used magic as a form of resistance. And also please remember HBO’s Rome when Servilla curses Attia with all the elite witchcraft in her ancient Roman toolkit.With everything that is going on in the world—wild gesture—people are seeking different methods of resistance, including modern forms of magic. Now we aren’t telling you to go out and curse anybody, because that shit always comes back at you (!), but please use this podcast and the plentiful show notes below as inspiration to create some some good, magical, ancient defensive tactics for the days to come….Show Notes* FREE DOWNLOAD – Robert Ritner, SAOC 54. The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice. (Fourth Printing, 2008).* Frazer’s Golden Bough (1890) – a seminal (read masculine AF) work on comparative mythology and religion* Magic → religion → science and rational materialism (!!)Harem Conspiracy * Papyrus Rollins“It happened because writings were made for enchanting, for banishing, for confusing, because some gods were made into wax and some men also– and furthermore for enfeebling the limbs of men and which writing were placed in the hand of Pay-bak-kamen…” (P. Rollins)* Goedicke, Hans (December 1963). "Was Magic Used in the Harem Conspiracy against Ramesses III? (P.Rollin and P.Lee)". The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. 49: 71–92. doi:10.2307/3855702. JSTOR 3855702.Protection* Isis Knot and other amulets“Spell for a knot amulet of red jasper. “You have your blood, O Isis; you have your power, O Isis; you have your magic, O Isis.” As for him for whom this is done, the power of Isis will be the protection of his body, and Horus son of Isis will rejoice over him when he sees him; no path will be hidden from him, and one side of him will be towards the sky and the other towards the earth. A true matter; you shall not let anyone see it in your hand, for there is nothing equal to it.” (Formula 156, Book of Coming Forth by Day)* Killed Captives at boundary markers* Mut Precinct (unpublished)* Mirgissa Deposit CursesSpell against an Enemy - “You will stop, whoever comes! I am the one who enters the sleeping place and comes from upon the ground. A man who fights. You will stop! Where are you with regard to me? I will enter your belly as a fly, and I will see your belly from the inside. I will turn your face into the back of your head; the front of your foot into your heel. Your speech is no use; it will not be heard. Your body will be weak and your knee will be feeble. You will stop! I am Horus, the son of Isis, I will leave on my feet.” (McDowell, 117)Tomb Fragment (National Museum of Scotland)“It is to you that I speak; all people who will find this tomb passage! Watch out not to take (even) a pebble from within it outside. If you find this stone you shall transgress against it. Indeed, the gods since (the time of) Pre, those who rest in [the midst] of the mountains gain strength every day (even though) their pebbles are dragged away. ’Look for a place worthy of yourselves and rest in it, and do not constrict gods in their own houses, as every man is happy in his place and every man is glad in his house. As for he who will be sound, beware of forcefully removing this stone from its place. As for he who covers it in its place, great lords of the west will reproach him very very very very very very very very much.”Execration Ritual(s) “Every rebel of this land, all people, all patricians, all commoners, all males, all eunuchs, all women, every chieftain, every Nubian, ever Strongman, every messenger, every confederate, every ally of every land who will revel in Wawat, Zatju, Yam, Ianeh, Masit, and Kauw, who will rebel or who will plot by saying plots, or speaking anything evil against Upper or Lower Egypt forever.”“spit on him four times . . . trample on him with the left foot . . . smite him with a spear . . . slaughter him with a knife . . . place him on the fire . . . spit on him in the fire many times”* Breaking of the Red Pots RitualLetters to the DeadCairo Bowl (CG 25375)“Given by Dedi to the priest Antef, born of Iwnakht. As for this serving-maid Imiu who is sick, you do not fight for her night and day with every man who is doing her harm and every woman who is doing her harm. Do you wish your threshold to be desolated? Fight for her today as though it were something new, so that her household may be established… Save her from all the men and women who are doing her harm! Then your house and your children will be established! Thanks for listening!”Specialists* Priesthoods & Corruption- can we see the increase in votive animal mummies in the Late Period as evidence of increasing corruption in the priesthood á la the Catholic buying of indulgences?* Divination * Wise women* Austin, Anne and Cédric Gobeil 2016. Embodying the divine: a tattooed female mummy from Deir el-Medina. Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 116, 23-46. DOI: 10.4000/bifao.296. Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe

What happens when an ancient Egyptian king recycles a statue—and then an empire steals it more than 3,000 years later? In this episode of Afterlives of Ancient Egypt, Kara Cooney and Amber Myers Wells take you on a deep dive into the life, reuse, and relocation of the colossal statue fragment known as the “Younger Memnon” (British Museum, EA 19). Once a towering monument to Amenhotep III, then reused by Ramses II, and finally carted off to London as a result of 19th-century colonialism, this statue has lived many lives—and it still looms large in the British Museum. It’s the first thing you see when you turn the corner to the Egyptian galleries…Tune into learn how a two-toned block of granite became a symbol of solar kingship, modern colonial power, and the politics of museum display. From Shelley’s Ozymandias to the ethics of repatriation, it’s a conversation about ownership, ideology, and the stories we choose to tell. What a magnificently complicated piece.Don’t miss Kara’s written companion post to this episode, “The ‘Younger Memnon’: A Colossal Lesson in Power, Reuse, and Colonial Trophy Hunting,” on the Ancient/Now Substack.Ozymandias by Percy Bysshe ShelleyThe Younger Memnon, British Museum EA 19 Get full access to Ancient/Now at ancientnow.substack.com/subscribe