Yoon refuses to dress for interrogation in defiance of prosecutors' requests

This article is by Shin Hye-yeon and read by an artificial voice. When Korean officials flew to Washington this summer for high-stakes trade negotiations, they packed more than briefing books and investment pledges. They brought a red baseball cap. Emblazoned with "Make America Shipbuilding Great Again" in white thread, the cap, stitched in Seoul and carried across the Pacific, was more than a play on a familiar slogan. It was a calculated symbol, designed to charm, provoke and persuade. The hat was created to promote the MASGA - short for "Make American Shipbuilding Great Again" - initiative, a Korean government proposal with the stated aim of "revitalizing U.S. shipbuilding" through strategic investment and cooperation between Korea and the United States. Minister of Trade, Industry and Energy Kim Jung-kwan brought the custom hat and a large presentation board to a meeting with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick to pitch the MASGA package, according to the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy. "Great idea," Lutnick reportedly said during the presentation, expressing strong support for the proposal. The ministry disclosed Sunday that the idea for the slogan had come from employees of its shipbuilding and offshore plant division. Faced with the challenge of imprinting the MASGA slogan effectively, the team decided a hat would best carry the message. After reviewing three to four design drafts, they finalized one featuring the Korean and U.S. flags on a red cap embroidered with white thread. Work began in early June, and the team used ChatGPT to refine the design. The hat's red color and overall look were modeled after U.S. President Donald Trump's well-known preference for red golf hats. Ministry staff didn't stop at the drawing board. To bring their concept to life, they personally canvassed eastern Seoul's Dongdaemun district - a bustling hub of fast-turnaround fashion manufacturing - in search of a manufacturer willing to produce the hat on short notice. Their efforts paid off just in time. As the pace of negotiations accelerated, a last-minute request came in from Washington: the U.S. delegation urgently needed MASGA hats on-site. The ministry scrambled to coordinate an emergency shipment. According to officials, the team worked with Korean Air to load a sealed box containing 10 MASGA hats onto a flight bound for Washington within 24 hours of the request. Staff raced to Incheon International Airport to ensure the package made it on board. Thanks to their efforts, the hats reached the Korean negotiating team the very next day. On Sunday, Kim Yong-beom, the presidential chief of staff for policy, showcased the MASGA hat during an interview on KBS's "Sunday Diagnosis" (2019-). "We designed it and took 10 of them to the United States," Kim said. "We put our full effort into creating such symbols." Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Disbandment often looms over project groups formed through audition programs, and EVNNE, a seven-member boy band consisting of contestants from Mnet's "Boys Planet" (2023), is no exception. As the group approaches its second debut anniversary, fans are left wondering how much longer the tight-knit boy band will stay together, as the official duration of its group activities has yet to be announced. However, "it's still not too late to be a fan of EVNNE," confidently declared member Yoo Seung-eon, during a group interview on Thursday in southern Seoul, ahead of the release of EVNNE's fifth EP, "Love Anecdote(s)," set for Monday. While the official duration of the members' contracts has yet to be confirmed, the members are "currently in discussions with agencies," Yoo shared. "Our goal is to make a decision, with our fans as the utmost priority," he added. "And we are also doing our best to remain strong as one team." The members are signed with their respective agencies, but their activities as EVNNE are currently being managed by Jellyfish Entertainment. EVNNE, pronounced "even," stands for "EVENing's Newest Etoiles," meaning that each member represents a bright new star in the night sky. The septet debuted in September 2023 with its first EP, "Target: Me," and consists of Yoo, Mun Jung-hyun, Park Ji-hoo, Park Han-bin, Lee Jeong-hyeon, Ji Yun-seo and Keita. The members did not make it to the final lineup of the winners of "Boys Planet," but gained global popularity through the show and subsequently formed EVNNE. The band's fifth EP, "Love Anecdote(s)," features six songs, including the lead track "How Can I Do," and B-sides "dirtybop," "Mako," "love chat," "Put It On Me" and "Newest." The lead track, "How Can I Do," is a hip-hop track with jazzy elements, showcasing the more mature sides of EVNNE - contrasting previous concepts that leaned toward cheeky, sporty vibes. Flirtation is at the heart of the song's concept, with the members exuding confidence and smooth charm. "We actually recorded the track initially around the time we released our first EP," said Ji. "But at that time, I don't think we were able to fully make it our own." With the youngest member, Park Ji-hoo, officially turning 19 this year, EVNNE is finally ready to truly do the song justice, according to the members. "Now that we're nearing our second debut anniversary - and with all the experiences we've gained so far - I believe we can confidently say that we're ready to perform the song in own our style," Ji said. EVNNE has had a busy two years. After its first fan concert tour titled "Squad:R" spanning seven cities in Asia, including Seoul, Bangkok and Osaka earlier last year, the group completed its first U.S. tour, "Ride With EVNNE." It recently finished the Asian leg of its "Set N Go" tour, and is set to begin shows in the United States and Europe October. While the group has grown and evolved over the past two years, the members still have more to show, says member Keita. And this became an inspiration for his self-produced song, "Newest," one of the B-sides on the new album. "What we've always said to each other after meeting with fans is that we want to keep revealing new sides of ourselves," said Keita. "That became the central idea for the song." That's why the song's title became "Newest," a nod to the meaning behind the group's name. During the interview, the members appeared visibly relaxed and genuinely close, exchanging playful banter and laughing at each other's jokes - a camaraderie they hold close to their hearts. "Being a K-pop idol was my dream and my life, and that dream became a reality thanks to my bandmates who have been by my side on this journey," said Mun. "We're so close that I sometimes wonder if this kind of friendship is common among other groups as well," he continued. "I hope we can continue to be people who help one another achieve their dreams." The members...

This article is by Shin Ha-nee and read by an artificial voice. Disbandment often looms over project groups formed through audition programs, and EVNNE, a seven-member boy band consisting of contestants from Mnet's "Boys Planet" (2023), is no exception. As the group approaches its second debut anniversary, fans are left wondering how much longer the tight-knit boy band will stay together, as the official duration of its group activities has yet to be announced. However, "it's still not too late to be a fan of EVNNE," confidently declared member Yoo Seung-eon, during a group interview on Thursday in southern Seoul, ahead of the release of EVNNE's fifth EP, "Love Anecdote(s)," set for Monday. While the official duration of the members' contracts has yet to be confirmed, the members are "currently in discussions with agencies," Yoo shared. "Our goal is to make a decision, with our fans as the utmost priority," he added. "And we are also doing our best to remain strong as one team." The members are signed with their respective agencies, but their activities as EVNNE are currently being managed by Jellyfish Entertainment. EVNNE, pronounced "even," stands for "EVENing's Newest Etoiles," meaning that each member represents a bright new star in the night sky. The septet debuted in September 2023 with its first EP, "Target: Me," and consists of Yoo, Mun Jung-hyun, Park Ji-hoo, Park Han-bin, Lee Jeong-hyeon, Ji Yun-seo and Keita. The members did not make it to the final lineup of the winners of "Boys Planet," but gained global popularity through the show and subsequently formed EVNNE. The band's fifth EP, "Love Anecdote(s)," features six songs, including the lead track "How Can I Do," and B-sides "dirtybop," "Mako," "love chat," "Put It On Me" and "Newest." The lead track, "How Can I Do," is a hip-hop track with jazzy elements, showcasing the more mature sides of EVNNE - contrasting previous concepts that leaned toward cheeky, sporty vibes. Flirtation is at the heart of the song's concept, with the members exuding confidence and smooth charm. "We actually recorded the track initially around the time we released our first EP," said Ji. "But at that time, I don't think we were able to fully make it our own." With the youngest member, Park Ji-hoo, officially turning 19 this year, EVNNE is finally ready to truly do the song justice, according to the members. "Now that we're nearing our second debut anniversary - and with all the experiences we've gained so far - I believe we can confidently say that we're ready to perform the song in own our style," Ji said. EVNNE has had a busy two years. After its first fan concert tour titled "Squad:R" spanning seven cities in Asia, including Seoul, Bangkok and Osaka earlier last year, the group completed its first U.S. tour, "Ride With EVNNE." It recently finished the Asian leg of its "Set N Go" tour, and is set to begin shows in the United States and Europe October. While the group has grown and evolved over the past two years, the members still have more to show, says member Keita. And this became an inspiration for his self-produced song, "Newest," one of the B-sides on the new album. "What we've always said to each other after meeting with fans is that we want to keep revealing new sides of ourselves," said Keita. "That became the central idea for the song." That's why the song's title became "Newest," a nod to the meaning behind the group's name. During the interview, the members appeared visibly relaxed and genuinely close, exchanging playful banter and laughing at each other's jokes - a camaraderie they hold close to their hearts. "Being a K-pop idol was my dream and my life, and that dream became a reality thanks to my bandmates who have been by my side on this journey," said Mun. "We're so close that I sometimes wonder if this kind of friendship is common among other groups as well," he continued. "I hope we can continue to be people who help one another achieve their dreams." The members...

This article is by Ha Nam-hyun and read by an artificial voice. A reimagined "Shimcheong" strips away the traditional image of a dutiful daughter and recasts the character as a symbol of resistance and voice for the marginalized in modern Korean society. The National Changgeuk Company of Korea announced Wednesday it will premiere its new changgeuk (traditional Korean opera), "Pansori Theater Shim Cheong," at the Haeoreum Grand Theater of the National Theater of Korea in central Seoul from Sept. 3 to 6. The new production is a reinterpretation of the 19th-century pansori work "Shimcheong-ga," which focuses on filial piety. In contrast, this version presents Shimcheong as a socially oppressed figure pushing back against the expectations and constraints placed upon her. During a rehearsal open to the press Wednesday afternoon, actors performed a scene inspired by the blind men's banquet - a key episode of the original work in which Shimcheong seeks to reunite with her blind father, Shim Bong-sa. Yu Eun-sun, artistic director of the National Changgeuk Company, called the production "unprecedented," adding: "It's a radical reinterpretation of a classic. We took traditional music and infused it with new meaning." A large-scale production with a cast of 157, the changgeuk was written and directed by Yona Kim, a Korean German director working in Europe. Kim was named Director of the Year by German opera magazine Opernwelt in 2017 and was a finalist for Germany's prestigious Faust Prize in 2020. This is Kim's first time directing a work based on pansori, a Korean musical genre performed by a drummer and singer. "I wanted to explore the depth and breadth of the Shimcheong narrative," said Kim. "I aimed to create a character that transcends time and space - one that can be understood intuitively, even across language barriers." She noted that hanbok, traditional Korean dress, will appear in only one scene. Kim Yul-hee, a newcomer selected through an open audition in April, and Kim Woo-jung, who has played major roles in previous changgeuk such as "Chunhyang" and "Byeon Gang-soe," will alternate in the role of Shimcheong. "In the traditional Shimcheong-ga, Shimcheong is a flat character who accepts everything and sacrifices herself for her father," said Kim Yul-hee. "This version gave me space to express the discomfort and questions I had while learning the original, such as, 'Why must she go this far?'" The role of Shim Bong-sa, Shimcheong's father, will be played by Kim Jun-su - often dubbed an "idol of gugak," or traditional music - and Yu Taepyungyang, both leading members of the company. Their portrayal diverges significantly from the original. "Everyone in the story carries karmic burdens, including Shim Bong-sa," Kim Jun-su said. "He regains his sight, but what truly changes is the way he sees the world." "In the original, Shim Bong-sa is a naive character focused only on his daughter," said Yu. "In this version, he is a powerless father who fails to care for her." Actor Lee So-yeon plays Baengdeok Eomeom, a character traditionally portrayed as antagonistic to Shimcheong. In this version, she has a more prominent role, designed to show different dimensions of Shimcheong through other versions of the character, such as "Young Shimcheong" and "Old Woman Shimcheong." The production's ending has not yet been finalized, but the creators have made clear it will differ from the original. "The original ending felt like a fantasy that masked the guilt over sacrificing a young girl," said Yona Kim. "There's no fairy tale resolution here - no underwater palace romance." Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

This article is by Sarah Chea and read by an artificial voice. [NEWS ANALYSIS] Following BYD's bold entry into the Korean market, a cadre of Chinese EV brands like Zeekr, Changan and even Xpeng are now eyeing Korea as their next destination - even if it means absorbing losses to gain a foothold. While their go-to-market strategy seems to rely heavily on "low price," here's the paradox: Korea represents only a tiny fraction of the global EV market, with just 120,000 EVs sold annually in the country, making it roughly one-hundredth the size of China's own, or far smaller than one-tenth of the United States'. Experts observe that it is closely intertwined with China's broader bid for global legitimacy, driven by a mounting pushback from the United States and Europe, which have imposed tariffs up to 100 percent on China-made EVs. Liu Xueliang, general manager of the automaker's Asia-Pacific auto sales division, said, "We don't have a specific sales target for the Korean market, but we simply hope consumers will take the time to experience BYD and assess its value for themselves," during the launch of the Atto 3 EV in Korea in January. In fact, BYD set the sticker price of the Atto 3 in Korea at 31.5 million won ($22,800), which drops to around 29.9 million won after government subsidies. That same model sells for 38,000 euros ($44,000) in Europe, 4.5 million yen ($30,400) in Japan, and 899,900 baht ($27,800) in Thailand. The sticker price of Seal, which was introduced in July, has been set at 46.9 million won, around 8 million won cheaper than Australia's price of 61,990 Australian dollars ($40,400) and some 10 million won cheaper than Japan's 6.05 million yen. Blocked by the West, Korea emerges as a detour With China's once-booming domestic market showing clear signs of saturation, the country now finds itself in a position where exports are no longer optional, but imperative for sustaining growth and industrial momentum. But hemmed in by tariff wars with the United States and Europe, China is targeting the Asia-Pacific region - and Korea, in this strategic maneuver, could be a fitting and effective gateway. Sales of Chinese cars reached 31.43 million units last year, a 4.5 percent increase from the previous year. But of that growth, domestic sales only inched up by 1.6 percent, while exports jumped by 19.3 percent - indicating that Chinese automobile brands are increasingly relying on exports as a primary engine of growth - a shift that appears not only strategic, but inevitable. But China remains shut out of the U.S. market, the world's second-largest auto market with annual sales of 16 million units, due to strict export restrictions. U.S. President Donald Trump raised tariffs on Chinese EVs from 25 percent to 100 percent, while the European Union also upped the tariffs from 10 percent to 45.3 percent starting in October last year. "Chinese EV exports to Korea are up significantly in 2025, and this is partially a story of trade diversion, as their exports to the EU have fallen significantly since the latter's introduction of tariffs in late October," Joe Webster, senior fellow at the Global Energy Center of the Atlantic Council, a Washington-based think tank focused on promoting trans-Atlantic cooperation and international security, told the Korea JoongAng Daily. "But there may be more than one element at play. Chinese EV manufacturers and battery original equipment manufacturers have an interest in crushing foreign competitors and establishing a global monopoly, by price-undercutting Korean EV manufacturers and battery players - perhaps China's most capable rivals." Chinese EV exports to Korea hit an all-time high of 29,295 units in the first half of the year, or $808.8 million, according to data from the General Administration of Customs of the People's Republic of China. In terms of units, that's around a 31 percent jump from the first half of 2024. Korea: A shortcut to global cred? Korea has a mature yet trend-consc...

The author is the head of the Gwangju bureau of the JoongAng Ilbo. "The manager often swore at me," said a 31-year-old Sri Lankan worker, identified as A, in a recent phone interview with the JoongAng Ilbo. A was subjected to workplace abuse at a brick factory in Naju, South Jeolla, on Feb. 26, when he was bound with plastic and lifted on a forklift loaded with bricks. Video footage obtained by human rights groups shows A tied to the forklift while co-workers laughed and filmed the scene on their phones. "The forklift driver caused me great pain," A recalled. "It was humiliating and a memory I do not want to revisit." The footage sparked widespread outrage. President Lee Jae Myung said he "could not believe his eyes" and vowed strict punishment, calling the abuse "an intolerable act of violence" and "a clear human rights violation." Police and labor authorities quickly launched investigations. Officers booked the forklift driver and others identified in the video the day after it became public. The Ministry of Employment and Labor is also reviewing whether additional abuse of foreign workers occurred, such as harassment or wage delays. A recently settled with the forklift operator. He said he did so because prolonged investigations would have caused "greater mental distress" but emphasized he had not forgiven the perpetrator. His employment situation remains uncertain. The Labor Ministry is considering allowing A to transfer his employment zone under the E-9 visa system to cities such as Ulsan. Currently, E-9 visa holders can change workplaces only within designated regions and industries. South Jeolla offered A jobs, but he declined. Having entered Korea last December, he will be required to leave Korea if he fails to secure new employment within 90 days of his transfer request, a period that began Monday. Human rights groups argue that the situation exposes systemic flaws. They say that forcing a worker to risk deportation after leaving a job due to harassment represents another form of abuse, and that Korea's labor system for foreign workers needs urgent reform. Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo. The domestic stock market's "Black Friday" on Aug. 1 offered, paradoxically, the clearest illustration yet that the "Kospi 5000" era may remain out of reach. It felt like a prelude to the turbulence that unilateral taxation and legislative policies, pursued without regard for market sentiment, are bound to trigger. Since President Lee Jae Myung took office, the Kospi had risen about 17 percent as of last month. The surge was driven by investor confidence in his pledge to usher in the "Kospi 5000 era," strengthen corporate governance so profits flow to shareholders and channel household wealth from property toward the equity market. His administration promoted this "money move" as a way to ease Korea's chronic real estate concentration. A Commercial Act revision mandating greater shareholder accountability despite resistance from business circles served as a symbolic down payment on that promise. The honeymoon with equity investors, however, may be over. The breaking point came with the government's 2025 tax reform plan, which retail investors derisively labeled a "stock market martial law" package, announced on July 31. The plan lowered the threshold for major shareholder designation - triggering capital gains tax on stock sales - from 5 billion won to 1 billion won per listed issue. It also raised the top tax rate for separated dividend income to 35 percent, higher than the 20 percent initially floated in legislative drafts. Securities transaction taxes were also set to rise. The measures sparked a fierce backlash. Investors warned that the familiar cycle of forced selling to avoid major shareholder status would once again depress share prices. Critics argued that the high threshold and steeper tax rate would blunt the intended effect of dividend income separation, offering little real incentive to the market. The reaction was immediate. On Aug. 1 alone, 116 trillion won ($83.6 billion) in market capitalization evaporated. The government's expected revenue gains from the expanded capital gains tax, estimated at 2.3 trillion won, and the 200 billion won bump from transaction taxes looked negligible by comparison. Many investors accused the administration of effectively trading the 150,000 won in one-time household support payments for losses in the hundreds of thousands, or even millions, on their portfolios. Most damaging of all was the blow to policy credibility. The constant shifting of the major shareholder threshold with each administration has already drawn scorn. Adding to the frustration was what investors described as a ping-pong game among ruling party lawmakers. Kim Byung-kee, acting Democratic Party leader and floor leader, signaled on Aug. 1 that the tax plan might be reconsidered amid the market rout. A day later, Policy Committee Chair Jin Sung-joon dismissed any retreat, insisting that the Lee administration's national agenda "goes beyond the Kospi 5000" and requires securing hundreds of trillions of won in fiscal resources. Rushed lawmaking is nothing new in the National Assembly. Yet the spectacle of the party in power pushing through measures certain to provoke investor resistance, only to backpedal once the backlash was visible, reinforced perceptions of legislative recklessness. With a significant majority, the party may find it easy to amend laws on a whim, but investors are unlikely to commit capital to a market governed by volatility and eroding trust. Another factor dampening market optimism is the administration's increasingly confrontational stance toward corporations. Stock prices are ultimately tethered to corporate earnings, and a series of policy headwinds now threatens those earnings. Facing lower corporate tax receipts last year due to sluggish profits, the government raised the corporate tax rate by one percentage point. More aggressive legislation is queued up. The next Commercial Act revision and the contentious "Yellow Envelope La...

The author is an emeritus professor at Chung-Ang University and a columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo. Korea's two-party system, a defining feature of its politics since democratization, is faltering. The conservative People Power Party (PPP) has lost much of its political weight, authority and appeal. Meanwhile, the liberal Democratic Party (DP), armed with 175 National Assembly seats and the full power of the presidency, has emerged as the most dominant ruling party since democratization. The question now is whether the DP will stand as the lone hegemonic force atop a scattering of minor parties. Few seem concerned with the PPP's future. Some observers are asking whether the DP is entering a path of long-term rule akin to Japan's Liberal Democratic Party. If the party sweeps next year's local elections, will it cement its hold nationwide? Certain signals suggest that possibility. First is the PPP's continuing collapse. Second is the dominance of the DP's core base - those in their 40s and 50s in the Seoul metropolitan area - who now set the agenda in many sectors of society. Yet there are also signs that the liberal party's rule may not remain smooth. Recent debates over capital market revitalization and tax reforms reveal discord between President Lee Jae Myung's pragmatic approach and the ideological rigidity of some party members. The first "green light" for the party's continued dominance is the PPP's near-total paralysis. Since last year's martial law crisis, the party has stumbled into irrelevance. Its failure to participate in the crucial vote to lift martial law in December marked a turning point. Subsequent hesitation to fully break with former President Yoon Suk Yeol and his resistance to impeachment only deepened its isolation. Weakened and fragmented, the PPP now faces the risk of a takeover by the far right. Over the longer arc of history, Korea's conservative parties once played leading roles through industrialization, democratization and globalization. But in the 21st century, they are struggling to adapt to new political currents - polarization, democratic instability and deglobalization. Their primary base is an aging generation nostalgic for the industrial era, while many lawmakers remain steeped in hierarchical, state-driven and authority-oriented political culture. This outdated mindset, when combined with the Yoon administration, culminated in the disastrous martial law episode. Against such a backdrop, the DP's power can appear unassailable. But expansion brings internal frictions. A clear example is President Lee's early-term push for financial market development, symbolized by the "Kospi 5000" target. His plan combined reforming corporate governance through amendments to the Commercial Act - laying groundwork for potential changes such as easing the criminal liability of executives and introducing dual-class shares - with efforts to shift household assets from real estate to financial markets. These policies were broadly reasonable and aligned with global trends, while also appealing to the metropolitan 40s and 50s who make up the party's core support. The initiative initially lifted the stock market and drew investor enthusiasm. Yet the effort has been clouded by intraparty disputes. Reform-minded DP Rep. Lee So-young introduced a plan to separate dividend income taxation, lowering the top rate from 49 percent to 25 percent, as part of broader market-friendly reforms. But DP Policy Committee Chair Jin Sung-joon and other hard-liners rejected the proposal, framing it as a tax cut for the wealthy. A subsequent debate over lowering the threshold for capital gains tax for major shareholders from 5 billion won ($3.6 million) per stock to 1 billion won further rattled markets. Online forums erupted with criticism that progressive hard-liners were undermining market confidence with outdated activist logic. This may be only a preview of future clashes. Lee's hallmark pragmatism - encompassing large-scale A...

This article is by Lee Jae-lim and read by an artificial voice. A couple of sticking points loom following Washington's decision to cap Korea's tariffs at 15 percent: The details of $450 billion investment package that would trickle into the U.S. economy and disparities between the two countries on agricultural trade as well as lingering uncertainties on digital regulations and tariffs on pharmaceuticals and semiconductors. Korea's trade delegation was lauded by the government for drastically lowering the U.S. tariff rate from 25 to 15 percent. The negotiation process was far from smooth, according to Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol. "It felt like a war," Koo said to the press upon arriving at Incheon International Airport on Friday. "They say the devil is in the details, but I believe the angel is too... We plan to use the newly established agreement as a basis to create concrete strategies and actively respond during detailed negotiations with the United States." Kim Jung-kwan, minister of trade, industry and energy, evaluated the outcome as having "averted the worst-case scenario." The dialogue was described as intense, with Kim adding, "While speaking with U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, whenever we said something unfavorable to him, he would stand up and say that we should just go with the 25 percent tariff, and we had to hold him back." $450 billion into the U.S. economy Out of the $450 billion, $100 billion will go toward Korea's purchase of U.S. energy by 2028. The remaining $350 billion investment was labeled "the centerpiece of the deal," according to White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt, with 90 percent of the profits going to the U.S. government to pay off its national debt and fund presidential initiatives. The claim clashes with Trade Minister Kim's explanation that the investment would be "reinvestment-based." $150 billion out of $350 billion will be spent on the "Make America Shipbuilding Great Again" initiative, although the question remains how this capital will be allocated. The sum is more than double the combined 87.5 trillion won ($63 billion) market valuation of Korea's three major shipbuilders, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, Hanwha Ocean and Samsung Heavy Industries. Therefore, a large chunk of the fund is expected to come from loans and guarantees provided by state-run financial institutions such as the Export-Import Bank of Korea and the Korea Trade Insurance Corporation. Korean shipbuilders might be open to the possibility of acquiring more U.S. shipyards. Hanwha Ocean acquired Philly Shipyard last year and also holds a 9.9 percent stake in Austal, an Australian naval defense firm with shipyards in Alabama and California. Another major shipbuilder, HD Hyundai Heavy Industries, has yet to make a purchase, but the company has said before that it is "reviewing different methods, including acquiring a shipyard through direct investment." Details on the remaining $200 billion remain unclear, including how it will be structured, where it will be used and how returns will be distributed. Drawing the line at rice Views are diverging between Washington and Seoul over agricultural trade. While Leavitt remarked that Korea will provide "historic market access to American goods like autos and rice," multiple high-level officials in Korea have firmly denied the assertion. Agricultural products such as rice and beef have been treated as nonnegotiable red lines in the tariff talks, given the implications for national food security and rural livelihoods. "There was no discussion of rice at all," Koo said on Friday, dismissing speculation. Song Mi-ryeong, minister of agriculture, food and rural affairs, stated on Friday that there would be no further market opening for rice and beef. "Under the Korea-U.S. FTA, 99.7 percent of our agricultural market is already open, essentially complete liberalization," Song said. She also noted that Korea already imports 132,000 tons of U....

This article is by Hwang Jeong-ok, Song Jeong and read by an artificial voice. Some say dynamic performances and overseas activities targeting the global market are hallmarks of fourth-generation idols - then what about their health management and diets? Boy band Ateez has the answer. Perhaps once a symbol of suffering, idol diets are different now. When management is needed, they eat systematically, and when healing is needed, they eat deliciously. If they're tired, they rest, and when it's time to run, they charge ahead. Artists themselves know better than anyone that only by steadily building healthy habits can they aim for longevity. For members of Ateez, a K-pop boy band sweeping the global stage with intense performances and vocal power, this means menus based on the healthiest and most humble staple ingredient of Asian cuisine - tofu. "For me, the team comes first - If I can't do my part properly in the team, I think there's nothing I can do even if I go on stage alone," Ateez member Seonghwa said during a cooking session with the JoongAng Ilbo in which he and fellow member Jongho demonstrated their tofu-based recipes. "I exist because our team exists. I want to work as Ateez for as long as I can." This year marks the seventh anniversary of Ateez's debut. They have passed the so-called "seven-year curse" - when members often leave or groups disband - with a full lineup. There's more good news. The title track "Lemon Drop" from their 12th EP, released this June, entered the U.S. Billboard Hot 100. With much still they want to do, the voyage must continue, Seonghwa and Jongho said in an interview during the cooking session. "I get nervous when going on stage with a song that didn't have much preparation time," said Jongho. "That's when I realized - no matter how well you sing or dance, if you're underprepared and not ready, there's just no way to cover for that." Seonghwa is very versatile - he takes on both rap and vocals, while also showing a commanding presence in performances and acting skills that suit each character. Ateez without main vocalist Jongho's voice is also unimaginable. His rich volume and clear high notes elevate the quality of every Ateez song. Both approach their work seriously and meticulously, but their methods of achieving this meticulousness differ. In the ruthless world of competition, what do they think, and how have they lived? We sat down with the two members to find out, the first pair to be interviewed by the JoongAng Ilbo in this series, which will feature the remaining members - Wooyoung, San, Hongjoong, Yeosang, Mingi and Yunho - in follow-up interviews. The following is an excerpt from the interview, edited for length and clarity. Q. Do you have a personal health routine? Seonghwa: Honestly, three to four years ago, I often went on extreme diets. It was like I was almost giving up food entirely. But after realizing that I was in a state of harming my health, I started to find my own routine. I think I came to understand that it's not about simply not eating, but about "what kind of food and how you eat it." I recently went on a diet again, but this time it was different. I lost a bit of weight for the Isabel Marant runway at Paris Fashion Week and also for concert outfits that had some exposure, but I didn't feel stressed and lost the weight healthily. I managed it in a pretty fun way. We're curious how you lost weight healthily. Could you tell us? Seonghwa: Actually, I used to binge eat a lot. To fix that, I gradually trained myself to eat healthy meals without skipping them, but in moderate portions. For example, even the day before a concert, I eat what I want. I eat deliciously with the mindset of enjoying that one meal. Instead, I avoid eating late at night and limit my snacks. I also eat on concert days, but I eat a smaller portion then. I'm naturally slim, so fans often worry I don't eat, but in reality, I eat very well. (laughs) It's not just me - all the members eat well. I...