Let's Talk about CBT- Practice Matters podcast

“I’ve had my hands down a lot of toilets…” Prof Paul Salkovskis on why CBT therapists might find themselves doing some unusual things to help people with OCD

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In this episode Rachel talks with Professor Paul Salkovskis about using CBT to treat people with OCD. They discuss the Cognitive Behavioural model for OCD and how OCD develops and is maintained, debunk some common myths about OCD and the effectiveness of CBT in treating OCD. Paul and Rachel also chat about some of the more unusual techniques they have used when helping patients with OCD…

Whether you’re a seasoned therapist or new to the field, this episode offers a wealth of knowledge about OCD and its treatment. Paul’s decades of experience and his ability to explain complex concepts in a relatable way make this a must-listen for anyone interested in understanding OCD and improving their therapeutic practice.

If you liked this episode and want to hear more, please do subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. You can follow us at @BABCPpodcasts on X or email us at [email protected].

Useful links:

Paul has published numerous papers on OCD and hoarding (amongst other things) all of which can be found listed here: https://bit.ly/4dIpBqi

Books:

Bream, V., Challacombe, F., & Salkovskis, P. (2011). Break Free from OCD: Overcoming Obsessive Compulsive Disorder with CBT. London: Penguin.

Bream, V., Challacombe, F., Palmer, A., & Salkovskis, P. (2017). Cognitive Behaviour Therapy for Obsessive-compulsive Disorder. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Articles:

Lomax, C. L., Oldfield, V. B., & Salkovskis, P. M. (2009). Clinical and treatment comparisons between adults with early- and late-onset obsessive-compulsive disorder. Behaviour research and therapy47(2), 99–104. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brat.2008.10.015

Rhéaume, J., Freeston, M., Léger, E., & Ladouceur, R. (1998). Bad luck: an underestimated factor in the development of obsessive-compulsive disorder. Clinical Psychology & Psychotherapy, 5(1), 1-12. doi:10.1002/(SICI)1099-0879(199803)5:13.0.CO;2-J

 

Credits:

Music is Autmn Coffee by Bosnow from Uppbeat

Music from #Uppbeat (free for Creators!): https://uppbeat.io/t/bosnow/autumn-coffee

License code: 3F32NRBYH67P5MIF

This podcast was edited by Steph Curnow

 

Transcript:

Rachel: Welcome to Let's Talk About CBT Practice Matters, the BABCP podcast for therapists using Cognitive Behavioural Therapy with me, Rachel Handley. Each episode, we talk to an expert in CBT who share insights that will help you understand and apply CBT better to help your patients.

Today we're talking about Obsessive Compulsive Disorder, or OCD, and we're delighted to be joined by world leading expert in the area, Professor Paul Salkovskis. His cognitive behavioural model and treatment for OCD is probably the most widely taught and applied in clinical practice. He's an expert in CBT for anxiety disorders and has a huge impact on developing interventions and improving therapy outcomes, not just in OCD, but also in panic, agoraphobia and health anxiety.

Without him, we might not have the formalised concept of safety seeking behaviours or be nearly so unconcerned about the bizarre and intrusive thoughts that we all have on a frequent basis. All of which means that Paul is more likely to be found with his hand down a toilet or licking his shoe than washing his hands.

So I'm really delighted to be welcoming you remotely, Paul, to this episode of Practice Matters to talk about OCD.

Welcome.

So clearly, Paul, you've got a really wide range of clinical and academic interests, other than a predilection for the taste of the sole of your shoe. Is there a reason you got particularly interested in OCD professionally and personally?

Paul: By the way, the sole of my shoe is salty during the winter, but not during the summer. I can't tell you why.

Why did I get interested? Well, well, I mean there are two intersecting reasons. One of which is that when I was training, I was trained with something called David Clark, you've probably heard of him and we had a mentor who's called Jack Rachman, who was professor extraordinaire, in just about everything, but particularly OCD.

So that was part one. So Jack inspired me, and I've kind of followed his mould, or been in his mould for a very long time. And then the other thing is, having met a lot of people with OCD, just the fact that they were the most fabulously nice people. And I don't really have any OCD that I'm aware of anyway, but I really like and identify with people with OCD because they're so nice and that probably links to one of the reasons they, of course, have OCD. I think it is possible to be too nice.

Rachel: So something about these figures in your career, which you've actually become for many people throughout your career. I know you've inspired loads of people to, to follow in your footsteps and do this kind of research, but that just real connection with the patients, with the folk that are struggling with these and that human connection has inspired you. So, to get us started, I have some true or false questions.

First of all, true or false, everyone has a little bit of OCD.

Paul: That's true and false. Because the kind of basis of OCD, intrusive images, thoughts, doubts, and so on, is there in everyone but not everybody suffers from OCD. So, so it kind of starts with something we all have.

Rachel: Brilliant. Secondly then, OCD is simply about being a little too focused on cleanliness or organisation.

Paul: 100% false.

Rachel: The brains of people with OCD are different to those with normal brains.

Paul: Brain is the organ of the mind. Therefore, in very small ways, different. But not in a way that you can detect in any kind of biological test or scanner or whatever. So, so they are, they work in the same way, but the workings can be different.

Rachel: Okay, excellent. OCD is untreatable by psychological interventions?

Paul: You're joking, right? Okay, no you're not. Okay, no, okay. So, so I think that I could reasonably say that's 100 percent false.

Rachel: Just your life's work. In order to treat OCD, you need to start with the root causes in a person's childhood. Otherwise, it will just come back in another way.

Paul: Yeah, the old symptom substitution myth. Completely false, but it's not that childhood is irrelevant. And we'll probably come back to that.

Rachel: OCD is harder to treat than other disorders for which CBT is a recommended intervention.

Paul: It's false, but it's also true again. And that's because a lot of people are not properly trained in how to treat it. So it's harder if you don't have the tools but it shouldn't be. It really shouldn't be.

Rachel: Okay. So starting at the basics then, what is OCD and how big a problem is it for people living in the UK and beyond?

Paul: Lots of discussions about how much it is. Everybody who specialises in problems says, My problem is more common than everybody else's problem. But that's not true. It's probably sitting about 1 percent lifetime prevalence. which is lower than a lot of places will tell you.

How big a problem it is? It's as big a problem as any other severe mental health problem. There are people who have mild OCD, and people who have severe OCD, and people with mild psychosis, and severe psychosis, and so on. So, what is it, its obsessions which can be intrusive thoughts, images, impulses, or doubts, and compulsions, which are related to it to those in terms of the meaning, which should take you to things like cultural issues and clearly there are cross cultural differences in the way OCD, kind of sets itself up.

But then there's the disorder and that's the living hell that many people with OCD have. It really is awful for many people. And it can completely destroy people's lives for year upon year, shortens lives for some people and soon. So it's a really big problem but it's not the most common mental health problem. But the thing that bothers me about it, what, why it being a big problem is that I regard OCD as an unnecessary illness, nobody should suffer from it. When I'm working with OCD, when I'm working with people with OCD, and I tend to work with people who are more severe, these days, they've had the problem for a long time. Treating the OCD is the least of what I do. And generally, I'm dealing with the thing that I've sometimes referred to as collateral damage, that the way in which the people's lives have been eroded, destroyed, stolen from them. And then, when you've dealt with the OCD, you're left with people whose lives have been devastated by it and then helping them rebuild and reclaim their life. Now that is not unique to OCD. It's just because of the chronicity, severity and the poor treatment that people are offered we see it particularly commonly.

Rachel: So do you feel that treatment isn't accessible enough yet?

Paul: Not by a long way and that takes us to the whole issue of parity of esteem. I was talking with some therapists the other day, and we're talking about the way that people are offered sort of like short terms of treatment, you know, sort of six sessions or whatever. And it just goes completely against the whole parity of esteem thing. The idea if you've got, if you've got cancer and you need chemotherapy they don't say, well, that's three sessions of chemotherapy, you should have 12 but we're going to give you three or we're going to give you a quarter of the dose because it'll help a little bit, and so on. And we would never do that. It would be an absolute scandal. And the idea that we can take people with severe OCD and then say, oh, here’s a stress management group, and then here's four sessions with somebody who probably isn't actually able to formulate because they're not trained in formulating because that's not done. And then that's it off you go. That's not good and it's not appropriate, in my view.

Rachel: And at worst, I guess, it's not just getting less than the appropriate dose, it's actually doing harm. Bit more akin to doing half a heart transplant than half the medication.

Paul: Yes exactly and the harm is palpable. One of the things you have to remember is as a clinician, I don't see the people who did really well when they had early treatment and then went off and lived happily ever after. We see the people who've failed in treatment and so on. But within that context, for example, I’ve seen young people in their late teens, who as a child were held down by a couple of nursing staff while they were contaminated against their will and that person had been utterly traumatised, has no trust in services, obviously and was made so much worse by that. So that kind of stuff can also go on and it's, in my view, it's a scandal. It shouldn't happen, but it's done and noted as therapeutic.

Rachel: And absolutely devastating for those individuals. And I guess 1 percent doesn't sound that huge, but when you scale that up to the millions and millions of people who are suffering with this problem, you know, more or less severely, it's huge, isn't it?

And how does it develop? Who typically suffers from OCD? Is there a type?

Paul: Nice people, nice people. We don't really know how any psychological problems develop. You know, there are clues about triggers and so on, but we don't really know. But we've speculated about this, and generally it's holding up in terms of research. So, it looks like, it starts from normal intrusive thoughts. Thoughts, images, impulses, doubts, the thing that we know 90 to 100 percent of people get. So you start with an intrusive though and if you then believe that this thought's popped into your head, meaning that you may be responsible for harm to yourself or other people, then you try and fix it. And that might involve checking, it might involve neutralising, saying a prayer if it's a blasphemous thought or whatever. And then you're caught in that loop and then the whole series of vicious circles that kind of develop from that. And people get increasingly trapped in that. They become stuck in a particular way of seeing the world in terms of harm. And they do it because they're nice. I mean, one of the things we'll say is, you know, if you have terrible thoughts about harming strangers in the street and you're a serial killer, you might have OCD. But because people with OCD have those kinds of thoughts, they think it means that they're a serial killer, which is deeply ironic. You know, they’re the safest people in the world, in terms of if you want somebody to babysit your kids and somebody says, Oh, I have these terrible intrusive thoughts of being a paedophile, well you should be pretty safe there, actually.

And there's this issue of risk. It's one of the things that therapists get very hooked into too, the idea of risk. People get worried. Well, if somebody says, Oh, I'm going to, I'm going to throw my baby on the floor, really hard, or I'll stab them with a knife or whatever. It's, wow, safeguarding. If somebody has OCD there's zero risk they will do this thing they're worried about, what we call the primary risk, that's zero.

There's a secondary risk, and that's a hundred percent, and that's that actually the untreated OCD is going to interfere with your relationship with the child. Because you're worried about harming the child, when the baby cries, you can't pick the baby up and cuddle them. You can't change their nappy. You can't do pretty much anything. So, you have to call somebody to come over and look after them and so on. Then they get older, you can't let them crawl on the ground and so on, that's a secondary risk. And that's the really bad thing. And that's a risk of untreated OCD. And that's one of the things we have to really bear in mind that people get very hooked into this whole idea of primary risk.

I'll tell you one thing. I put my money where my mouth is here. So one of the things I have in a drawer somewhere over here is a very sharp Sabatier knife, and it's something I'll use in a behavioural experiment. If I've got somebody who's worried that they're going to, they're going to stab people and so on, then with appropriate preparation after formulation and so on, then I might ask them to hold that sharp knife at my throat while they stand behind me, make sure they're holding it tightly and so on. Now, I'm very careful about my diagnosis because if that person's got command hallucinations, that would be a bit of an issue, wouldn't it? But I'm absolutely confident that if somebody has OCD, then I'm a hundred percent safe.

Rachel: I remember Paul, working for you very early in my career and very recently married heading off to work one day. I was cycling to work and having a slightly strange conversation in the kitchen with my husband as I looked at our knife block and I said, which of these knives do you think is the sharpest and biggest?

And he said, well, odd question, but I think it's probably that big meat knife. I said, okay, I wrapped it up, put it in my bike pannier and cycled off to work. Or I would have done if he hadn't stopped me and said, Rach, why the knife? Why are you taking that to work? As I said, I was working for you thinking he might have been fearful for your safety. You know, we were getting along fine, but you never know. And when my answer was, well, I'm just going to get my patient to hold it against my throat, the concern escalated rather quickly and I learned very quickly to explain the model of OCD to my husband that day.

And interestingly, that is the next challenge we have for you, Paul. It's our podcast challenge. So we're not a visual format, we're an audio format and in CBT we love our boxes and arrows, don't we? But what I'd like you to do now, if possible, is to step up to the challenge and give us a brief explanation about how OCD develops and is maintained without repetition, hesitation, deviation, boxes, arrows, or other visual aids.

Paul: Okay. So, I'm going to start what we do in therapy, which is you start with the maintenance and then you later might then pop back to development.

There's a man that we both know called Mark Freeston. He wrote a really nice paper, which is called Bad Luck, Neglected Causal Factor in Psychiatry, something like that in which he basically said that one of the main reasons that people develop psychological problems is through bad luck. Okay, so about half the people we see with OCD, there's no obvious precursor, nothing that led to it, it's just that they were in the wrong place at the wrong time, had the wrong thought, responded the wrong way and so on.

Okay, so, formulation, without hesitation, or the other things that you mentioned because I don't want to repeat them. Okay. So, people have what would not for most people be a normal intrusive thought. They notice it and they think either the thought itself means something that harm could happen that they could cause or prevent, or actually the fact that thought occurred means, that harm could occur if they don't prevent it and so on. And that meaning, the thing sometimes called a negative automatic thought, but I think meaning is a better way of thinking about it, then leads to a set of reactions. and those reactions include things you can't control. Like, you know, if you thought that you're, that someone you love is going to die as a result of having a thought, and you really believe that in your heart, then that makes you feel frightened and miserable and guilty and so on. You can't actually suppress those, but it might also lead to things like saying a prayer or trying to picture them alive and so on. It's something you choose to do.

So, there's two types of responses, from the meaning in terms of responsibility and harm. One of which is, things which are driven and which you can't actually do anything about. And then there's things that you try to do. And that would include neutralising, it could also include thought suppression, trying not to think about something, which has of course, the paradoxical effect- it occurs more. And then there's also things like checking. Did I actually close the door or whatever? And then you get into what Adam Radomsky talks about as the checking trap. So, the more you try to make sure of something, after a few goes, a few checks, then you become less and less confident in the eventual outcome. So, these are all feeding back into the meaning. Some of these things are feeding back into the actual intrusion. So because you feel miserable, guess what? You get more intrusive thoughts because if you're frightened, then you get more frightening thoughts and so on. And so these things then lock into a way of looking at the world, a way of responding to the world, and people become stuck in that. And of course, what you're going to be doing in therapy is giving people a different perspective on that.

But going back to the developmental issue, so, so the question is how do these things start? And sometimes we'll pick up that there's really two things that can make people more likely to misinterpret intrusions as a sign of responsibility for harm to themselves or other people. These two things are critical incidents so, these are like, like accidental stuff that happens. The example that sticks in my head is the little girl who took her neighbour’s dog. She loved this dog, took the dog to the park and did it day after day and then one day the dog runs around the pond in the park, jumps at the pond, doesn't come up again. And then she has to go back and the neighbour says, why did you let him go in? and she basically felt that she was responsible for that and then became super sensitive to the idea she could cause harm without meaning to. And so then started taking precautions. So that'd be a critical incident.

The other thing is beliefs, sort of general beliefs and there are, I don't want to target a particular religion, but the notion of, the notion that thinking something is as bad as doing it, sometimes known as sin by thought or whatever, that you can break God's law by thinking something, yeah, is very problematic. So general beliefs about that, general codes of moral conduct, you must never cause harm under any circumstances and so on. So general assumptions or beliefs, which are too rigid, and which mean that then people, when they have an intrusive thought then interpret that as a sign they've got to act to prevent it, which gives them compulsions, then locks them into all these other components.

There we go. I didn't breathe during that. I also repeated a lot though, but nobody buzzed. So it was okay.

Rachel: It's great and not breathing gives you extra points. So fundamentally you're saying stuff happens to us combined with standards and beliefs that we may have when we have these thoughts of harm lead us to do paradoxical things, actually make those thoughts of harm worse, or at least not go away.

Paul: Sounds familiar, doesn't it? It reminds me of something called CBT. I can't remember what that is. But it's something.

Rachel: I know. And fortunately you did pretty well on the model because having written it, you know, that would be embarrassing if you didn't understand it, wouldn't it? fantastic, brilliant. Thank you for that. As we've noted before in this podcast, we describe CBT as an evidence-based approach to psychological problems, not just because it works to treat them and the therapies tested, but also because the assumptions on which the models are based emerge from cognitive and behavioural science and have been tested experimentally. And that's something, again, you've been committed to for many years, decades, even. Not that I want to age you, Paul, and that, that can give clinicians and patients confidence in the approach we take. It's not just sort of psychobabble. It seems to work. Let's keep doing it. How have you and your colleagues systematically tested the assumptions about the maintenance of OCD?

Paul: By doing a kind of range of experimental strategies. So, things like testing out thought suppression. In fact, thought suppression is an interesting one because I actually think, and the evidence we have is that, that it may be not just the thought suppression, it might also be just the fact of looking for it. So, if you look for a thought then you experience it more. And then on top of that, if you try to suppress it then it'll occur more. But there's also things like, testing out assumptions around, say reassurance seeking, which is one of the things picked up on. So recently one of the people I was working with looked at what happened when you ask people to imagine getting reassurance or getting support as an alternative to reassurance, and then picking up that actually people with OCD who have not actually had treatment, you know, have worked out that if they seek reassurance, it's going to make them more anxious. And if they seek support, meaning that they say, you know, I'm feeling anxious, can you help me with my anxiety, that makes them less anxious and less inclined to seek more reassurance and so on. So, it's unpicking the components. But in the end, the important science is not that actually. The important science, in my view, is the science we do with each individual case.

So another of the people that I kind of go back to is a guy called Monte Shapiro, who actually pretty much invented the idea of single case experiments. He called it the intensive investigation of the single case. He basically said that you should treat people with psychological problems as kind of partners in a scientific enterprise where you work out how things work for them, how the world really works, actually, in modern parlance, and then get them to try it out.

So if you try not to think, not to think thoughts, just in the single case, and then you get this big surge, then you know that's causing it. If you don't get the big surge, it's probably not actually causing it. So you can do the science at the level of the individual. It's also, of course, why we've got to evaluate what we do because one of the things we know is that people that we work with, I mean these lovely people with OCD work with will tell me as I try and help them that they're doing super well. But if I measure it, in some instances, if they're not doing super well, they're just trying to be kind to me. So actually systematically measuring both the processes that are driving things in any particular individual, but also whether or not what you're doing is helping or harming is a really important part of what we do. So I would take it away from the sort of the laboratory science or the experimental stuff that we do with groups of people, which is important. But say in the end, in CBT, what matters is the science we do with a particular individual.

Rachel: And you've, you've talked really clearly about the various maintenance cycles and you've alluded to this sort of stance of therapy, this sort of collaborative empiricism. What do the typical elements of therapy for OCD look like? What would you typically be doing with a patient?

Paul: Well, you start, as a therapist, you start with an assessment, right? But you've got to be a bit stupid if you think it's just an assessment. It's a two-way assessment. So the really important thing that happens is not what I think of the patient, but what they think of me, actually. So, and that's going to take you into the issue of engagement, because essentially therapy is going to go well if the patient looks in your eyes and sees the possibility you can understand, that you're trying to understand and so on. That's part of their assessment of you. So, helping people feel understood, getting to know the person before you get to know the problem. And then looking at what it is that's keeping the problem going, what's maintaining it and doing that through the thing we call guided discovery, which is rather than me sort of going verbal psychoeducation, more psychoeducation. So what happens if you do that and so on. So, so the person essentially tells me how their problem works and then I'll reflect it back and help them structure it and see it in that way. So the other thing about this is that I do not believe that as a CBT therapist, I treat people. I support people in bringing about change so it's kind of, it's not, you don't do something passively. You help people discover how things work, and then try things in a different way and then see if that is helpful. So, so it's this idea that it's actually, you know, we've often, as cognitive behaviour therapists, we artificially divide behavioural techniques from cognitive techniques. Cognitive techniques is where you get, look at the meaning and you help people understand sort of what's going on and we get them to draw on their past experience so they'll be able to tell you about what happened when their OCD was really bad, and you describe it and you, you draw arrows and so on and you help them understand how that works. And then you'll ask them questions from their past experience about whether that's true or whether the way that you've drawn it out might be a better way of thinking about it. And at some point, the person says, well, I don't know, you know, I don't have the answer to your question, Paul, you're a very clever therapist, but actually I don't really know what to say about that. And that's when you use the behavioural experiment. So you've run out of past experience. And so you help people get new experience. And that new experience feeds back into the discussion and the whole enterprise is directed towards this really key phrase, which I drum into my trainees on a regular basis, which is good therapy is about helping people understand how the world really works. It's not about thinking positively. It's not about thinking logically. It's actually making sense of their world. Which might mean, you know, that there are some things you can't do anything about. You know, if someone is, for example, in an abusive relationship, say intimate partner violence or whatever that you're trying to make them think differently about it. On the other hand, you don't, you can't completely walk away from it and say, there's nothing I'm doing about it. So, so you have to help them negotiate that, think about their options and so on. So understanding how the world really works, including taking into account issues like stigma or adversity or trauma with a small T, or even trauma with a large T, for your sake, Rachel, and bringing all that together in a way that empowers the person who's stuck in a particular way of relating things. And in the end, good cognitive therapy is about empowering them to bring about changes. We don't do the change. They do the change. So good CBT is self-help with me or you as therapists standing back in admiration that somebody has the courage to take control of their life.

Rachel: And I always loved the way you explained to me many years ago, just the concept of behavioural experiments and just let's find out, let's find out together. But you're asking people to take a big leap there from, you know, we think it could be this, it could be that to let's find out, let's do stuff different. Is it, is there some quite important work that needs to be done to, to help people take that leap?

Paul: Well, that work is, we've already talked about that really, that's the formulation because these essentially, you know, people come in with a particular view that they have horrible thoughts, and they think they're a violent killer and then in the assessment, you work out that they're actually a really kind person who's afraid of being a violent killer. So, so then when they get that and that makes sense and they draw on their past experience to say, well, actually, you know, I'm generally quite a nice person, I do look after people and so far I haven't done anything violent at all. But that's when they're going to need to take the leap, which might involve the Sabatier in my drawer (other knives are available by the way) but anyway, there's the sharp knife in my drawer, you know, held to my throat as part of the behavioural experiments and so on. Now, the other component of that. And this is a good example of it, is also that people will take that leap of faith if they believe that you truly understand. And that you can be trusted, you know, and the fact that I'm asking the patient to hold a knife to my throat does suggest that probably that I'm pretty confident in what I'm doing.

But, in general, it's the notion that if the person feels understood by you and then you ask them to do something to confront their fears, then they're going to  do it for you. Now, that's an enormous burden on us actually, you know, in a sense it gives us a responsibility and we have to rise to that. And I think that's one of the important things that we have to reciprocate that, we have to then offer the trust in the other direction and so on.

Rachel: We've talked a bit about what the therapy involves and this journey that we take people with us on, and, you know, all the time kind of trying to imbue that sense of trust through understanding, through formulation, through connecting with where they're at. I guess we also need to be confident in what we're doing, that it's going to be helpful. So, so is CBT for OCD effective? Where's the evidence base?

Paul: The evidence is really strong, and it's been synthesized by NICE. The evidence for CBT for OCD is really strong. The extent to which there are people who don't respond, is complicated. In 2013, DSM 5 took hoarding out. Hoarding was always the odd one out of all the subtypes of OCD, it didn't work. But there's another subgroup, which again, Jack Rachman, towards the end of his life, he has sadly, as you know, gone now but towards the end of his life, he highlighted the importance of mental contamination, which related, now you'd be really happy about this, Rachel, because it did relate to a particular type of traumatic event, which is betrayal events.

So, you know, we're able to identify people who don't do quite so well, and we can therefore refine treatments in those areas. But overall, it's absolutely clear, it's the first line treatment for OCD, pretty much across the piece. It's boringly, consistently effective.

Rachel: Is it for different minority groups, for example, or people from different religious backgrounds, cultural backgrounds?

Paul: Yes, again, there's no evidence that it's ineffective in those things. It's certainly been trialled across the world in a range of ways. The important thing is that it's adapted. I mean, you don't translate therapies, it's a really bad idea to just translate them. You adapt them. So, and again, if you think of some of the things in OCD, for example, if you take the unlucky number 13, which some people want to avoid, and could get quite obsessed with. That doesn't happen in China, but the numbers four and 14 on the other hand are really horrific and again, if you think of religious OCD, then clearly big differences across the range of different religions you see across the world and so on. So, so yeah, it's important that it's adapted rather than translated. And the adaptations should be done by people who understand it locally. It's not a matter of, you know, white haired professor from Oxford turning up and telling them, this is exactly how you do it according to this manual, and so on. It's about actually working with people to say, well, here's the kind of things we'll be doing, and here's, you have to tell me how it would adapt and translate, which I've done in various countries.

Rachel: So there's no evidence that the mechanisms are different or the underlying processes are different. It's more of the epiphenomenon and how those might be expressed within different cultures?

Paul: Well, that's right. I mean, there's a generality of processes, but the specificity of the behavioural outcomes. I mean, the type of prayer or religious rituals, you do will be different according to a particular religion. Also, we have beliefs about germs and so on, but 300 years ago, you know, before that, that annoying Pasteur woman invented germs, you know, then we weren't worried about the way we washed our hands and so on. And that's one of the clues that OCD is fundamentally a psychological problem because the way it's evolved historically, that the invisible menace of today is not the invisible menace of 50 years ago. 50 years ago, people worried about radiation from luminous watch dials.

Rachel: So, and I guess it's also not about dismantling someone's culture or someone's religious beliefs because there's people in every culture in it with every, you know, with fervently held religious beliefs in different ways that don't have OCD. It's not about dismantling those.

Paul: Well exactly right because essentially we do not try and remove people's basic values. You know, I see a lovely, a loving mother, who’s doing OCD around her, around her children. Okay, I don't then want to turn her into a child abuser. That would not be a good outcome. What you do is you help her be a more effective loving mother.

By the same token, if somebody has religious OCD, I don't want to take their faith away from them I want them to be able to connect with their faith in an appropriate way So if you take somebody say with blasphemous obsessions, they're unable to go to the mosque or the church. Which means they get disconnected from the religion because of their fears about religion. I want them, you know, you're quite likely to be encouraging people to go along to the place of worship and defeat the OCD in that context so they can pray better They can pray more effectively and be closer to God. I'm not religious, but I recognise the importance of religion to people, and it's really important that we don't undermine their values in the same way as we wouldn't turn that loving mother into a hateful, abusing mother.

Rachel: We've already alluded to the fact you've been doing this for quite some years. You've got a lot of experience to say the least of teaching, supervising, applying the therapy. Where do therapists get stuck, Paul? What are your most frequently asked questions or the trickiest issues that come up, and this could be for people starting out or for people who've been doing this for a very long time and maybe working in more complex areas.

Paul: I think where they get stuck is formulation, that people don't do a good formulation, they don't understand what's going on. I mean, one of the things that if you're a sufferer, if you have OCD and you look in the eyes of the therapist and blanking comprehension looks back at you. Then there's a lot of trouble going to happen in that therapy. Patients are very kind and helpful to us, and they'll forgive us to a degree, but ultimately, it's not going to work fantastically well. There's a really simple rookie error that a lot of people make, which is they try and formulate from a page in a book or something they got on the internet and so on, rather than doing it from the particular person or even that persons experience.

Rachel: So back to our boxes and arrows?  

Paul: But not actually using preset boxes and arrows. And then there's another mistake that people make is that they say, well, I'm going to make, I'm going to do an individualised formulation. So let's talk about your OCD and what usually triggers it off and what does it usually mean when that, and the clues in the usually. Yeah, that's wrong. What you do is you say, okay. When was the last time your OCD was really bad? And then what was the first sign of trouble on that occasion at two o'clock on Wednesday? And then what was the next sign of trouble? And so you get people's memory of what happened rather than their really helpful guesses as to what might be going on. And that's one of the big errors that people make, that they don't go really specific and then try several different examples and then pull it together and then share it with the person. One of the things I'll do after a formulation usually is look at it and say well this could be right, but it could be complete nonsense, please tell me if you think this is just wrong. And typically people will tell you that it's not wrong or they'll tell you that it's wrong in a particular bit and you have a discussion. So you're actually responding to the person in that way. So helping people feel understood requires understanding and requires you to build that understanding.

And then the other mistake that people make is they get the formulation, hopefully not from a book or an internet site, and then it stays that way. And of course, you know, you and I both know that formulation is a dynamic thing. As you learn more, you'll scrub things out, you'll elaborate, and so on. And it belongs to the person. And they have ownership of it. Therefore, to stick to it for 12 sessions having done it in session 2, is foolish. Basically.

Rachel: So the formulation isn't another unhelpful, rigid belief system

Paul: Exactly that, yeah. And the formulation is in the service of helping the person choose to change. Because again, you don't make change, they choose to change. And when they choose to change, that's when things really get going.

Rachel: and one of the things people sometimes talk about when they're trying to formulate OCD is issues with particular presentations. So people that seem to have compulsions without apparent obsessions or obsessions without compulsions, how does that fit within the model?

Paul: Okay. Well, well, it fits beautifully. I mean certainly for the, for what's called rumination sometimes, the obsession about compulsions. Dave Westbrook and I dealt with that way back in the nineties, wrote a lovely paper about it. It's an old problem. Well, and in fact, we drew on Joe Wolpe's 1958 stuff where he talked about anxiolytic obsessions and anxiogenic obsessions, by what he meant the anxiogenic obsessions are the intrusions. You know, I'm going to murder my baby or whatever. The anxiolytic obsessions are, oh, I love my baby very much. And so it's actually the ritual. It's inside the person's head. Why would that be worse? And well, it's because it's portable. Because, you know, if I'm contaminated, I've got dirty hands, or I think I'm contaminated, I've got to find a bowl to wash my hands in the soap and the rest of it and so on. Whereas if I'm ritualising my head, if I'm say saying a prayer after having a bad thought, I can just pause briefly now, say a quick prayer and carry on and it's portable and therefore more intense and so on. So, ruminations I think are that, well, it's clear they are the same as other types of OCD.

Compulsions without obsessions are the thing we call proceduralised. So you just get very good at it. It's like driving your car home. You just, you don't have to think about it and so on. And so, you get into the groove and as soon as you actually ask the person to perhaps not do the tapping or the washing or the prayer they say or whatever, then typically you'll then get the obsessions coming back in. So the obsessions are there. They've just gone underground.

Rachel: And that’s not uncommon in people who've had OCD for a very long time, is it? Which is again where people can often struggle at the assessment phase.

Paul: Well, safety seeking behaviours essentially remove the idea of threat, but it's still there. So, the example I sometimes use, as you know I'm quite fond of metaphors, the example I use there is why would something you're doing to make yourself safe make you feel in danger? So, if you come to visit me, Rachel, which you'd be more than welcome to do, and I greet you at the door and say, oh, thank you very much for coming, please wear this hard hat while we're in the building to keep you safe, right? and then we carry on talking. We sit with hard hats for a couple of hours. Do you feel safe because you're wearing a hard hat?

Rachel: Well, maybe with you, Paul, but not usually.

Paul: So, so, you know, it says that the things that people are doing to make themselves safe are actually a constant reminder, of a threat. And because it's just a joke, you know, I'm just joking over this, but you were never in danger, but you're going to be pretty nervous at the ceiling tiles by the time you leave the building.

Rachel: is it harder to treat people who have sort of decades long histories of OCD, do you have to adapt? Is it just the same and more?

Paul: Here the thing, isn't it? I mean Claire Lomax, mutual friend of ours. Yeah, and I did various studies on this. And yeah, Claire and Victoria and I did the thing, the things we call tales of the unexpected. And one of the things, one of the studies we did when we were working in the Maudsley in CADAT was we looked at people with long duration versus short duration.

And what we found is that when people have long duration problems, they started more severe than the people that have short duration problems. Yeah, short duration, like, this is like 40 years versus like 15 years or something like that. And so, so it looks like it is worse. And when you treat them, they end up in the same place because the people who have the more severe problems show a bigger decrease. Now it doesn't mean they're necessarily doing better, it's just that they're doing just as well, and they end up in the same place. We have the same thing for age of onset. So because there were people who were saying oh, well you know, if you start OCD when you're a kid it's completely different. It's a neuropsychiatric problem blah blah… and so we looked at people as adults whose OCD had started before the age of puberty or after the age of puberty, and then again, we looked at the outcome and the same thing happened. You know, they start off more severe, but they all end up, they all end up in the same place. So the people who had an early onset, you know, improved significantly more than the people who had the late onset.

Similarly, the third unexpected finding was people in addition to OCD had OCPD. Now, this is. This is a little bit funny because I was working with a, with a researcher, but they brought me the data, so we, people had OCD and OCPD, and people who just had OCD, and we just wanted to see how they did in treatment, and so, the person brought me the data, and I said, you're going to have to go back and check it, I think you've got it wrong, you've got it the wrong, the group's the wrong way around. And they came back a little later, a little anxious, I think, and said no, it is the right way around. And what we found was that people who had Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder, as well as OCD, were improving significantly more, than the people who didn't have obsessive compulsive personality disorder. And initially we're thinking, why is this? And then I think we understand it. Because OCPD, is, you know, it's about perfectionism. So those people we had with OCD who had OCPD were doing the homework. They were listening to the recordings of sessions, which we always ask people to do. They were completing the questionnaires. They did the tasks, and they did the therapy perfectly in that way. I'm not able to confirm that at this particular point but I think that's very likely. And what it tells you, again, that your expectations get violated. I did not, we did not expect to find that. You get that at an individual level. Somebody walks through your door and I think, Oh no, this is, you know, this is going to be a really hard case. And the number of times you get wrong on that, and then you think something's really easy and they're not that easy. We should not have strong expectations when people walk through the door because that can actually interfere with therapy.

So if people have, for example, a personality disorder, so called. Quite often that can be a major strength and we know, again, that if you look at something like Borderline Personality Disorder, Emotionally Unstable Personality Disorder, alongside anxiety, people do very well in the treatment of anxiety.

Similarly, and there's something else going on at the moment around things like autistic spectrum disorders. We know that having an Autistic Spectrum Disorder, interferes with treatmentmwith CBT somewhat. But there's a problem here because what happens is that there's a lot of people with anxiety problems who have ASD, who have Autistic Spectrum Disorders, and then what happens is they refer to services who say, oh, you've got autism, so we can't treat you. But then nobody can treat you. Now, what's the evidence? Well, the evidence is really clear. The evidence is that people with an ASD will do very well in conventional CBT. They'll do a little better, probably, if you adapt it. But you don't withhold it because they've got this. You don't withhold treatment of OCD because people have Emotionally Unstable Personality Disorder or whatever because they'll do fine.

But you'll then have the additional things of the problems they've got with the ASD. So, there's a joke, isn't there, about a man who has got a problem with his hands and he goes to the surgeon and the surgeon says, you do this operation, you'll be fine. He says, will I be able to play the piano after the surgery and the surgeon says yes, of course. He said that's very good because I can't play the piano now. And you know, if somebody comes and has a couple of problems that might impact each other there's a reasonable chance that after you've dealt with your OCD or trauma or whatever it is that the other problem will need some further attention. But that's not a reason not to treat the initial problem in that way.

Recently, we published a review of treatment of PTSD under conditions of continued threat. And it turns out that you should treat people under conditions of continued threat. So you shouldn't be refusing people the help that they so patently need because they have more than one problem.

Rachel: and this is, yeah, it's a salutatory message and a hopeful one, isn't it? Because I'm sure the busy clinicians listening to this podcast, you know will have experienced that heart sink moment. It's a terrible word, isn't it? That heart sink moment, but it's very expressive when you get a referral and you think, Oh, this complexity, the longevity of this problem, I'm not going to get anywhere. And actually, it's that moment to go actually what does the evidence say? And am I going to withhold an effective treatment from people because they're, they seem to be more in distress but actually I'm going to give them the treatment that works really well. And actually you're selling it really well, Paul, because it sounds like these are not only the nicest patients, but the most diligent patients we'll work with.

Paul: So, Yeah, let me take it back to ancient history as well, because when I was a boy, I don't remember when that was, but when I was a boy, there was no cognitive behavioural therapy, it was behavioural therapy and then cognitive therapy developing, and then we started to look at a whole range of problems like health anxiety, for example, or rumination and so on. And at that particular point, there were these patients who were just regarded as completely untreatable. People with severe OCD, people with health anxiety and so on. And that was wonderful because there was no expectation, you'd go and do therapy with people that nobody had ever been able to help and if you did anything at all, if you made any improvement at all, people thought you were a genius. Which obviously I'm not, but, if they didn’t get better, it was fine. So it was kind of like, so well, here's somebody who could be helped and we need to muck in and work with them to try to support them in making changes, getting better quality of life and so on. And I think if we could continue that attitude, you know, you see somebody coming through and you think, well, this is good. This is not going to be easy. Good. Let's get on with it.

Rachel: In that vein. you've talked about, we've talked about complexity of longevity, we've talked about this kind of personality issues. What about other problems like psychosis, for example, where it might be, you know, someone might present, for example, with really, and these might be old fashioned terms now, Paul, around ego-dystonic and ego-syntonic but thoughts that of hurting other people, that they really feel very, are very aversive and difficult, but also maybe some other thoughts in other spheres that are, have a different kind of flavour, but presenting within the same individual. How do we work with unpick, unpack that?

Paul: Formulate. I mean, in a sense, yeah, there's some very interesting work going on with people like Tony Morrison, and so on in psychosis but I think it's, I think the setting is somewhat different. I mean, there's somebody not a million miles away from me at the moment who's doing work on social identity theory in that, which I think spreads outside psychosis and so on. One of the things I'm arguing at the moment is that we need to move away from a purely disorder based approach and I think that some of the things we see are final common pathways that are kind of convergence of different effects, and that's one of the ways to think about hoarding. You know, so hoarding is not, I think, a single thing that's in somebody's head, it's like multiple ways. You can hoard because you're afraid that if you throw things away, you'll harm people because it'll contaminate them so that'd be OCD, or because you think that you might need those things in the future and so on. So, so there's multiple different ways you can end up with a house full of stuff.

By the same token, people end up homeless for lots of different reasons. People end up in substance misuse for a lot of different reasons. And the idea of convergent processes, so a range of different things can lead to, for example, unusual experiences, psychosis, and so on. And so I think if we start to loosen off a little bit and be, and yes, be prepared to say, well, look, if it's honest to God OCD, then these processes are always going to be there. And that treatment is always going to work, but actually life's a bit more messy. And sometimes people are going to end up with these kind of repetitive thoughts or these beliefs, for a whole range of different reasons. And you have to work with the individual reasons.

The other example of that is attempted suicide. Attempted suicide is a convergent process. There's no one reason, there's no one psychological profile that results in it. And I think if we start to hybridise the, if you like, the disorder specific model with a more trans diagnostic understanding and the idea that the outcomes that we see might be a bit more complicated and we might need to understand those complications, particularly in people with longer term problems with major interference in their life and so on.

Rachel: So formulate, formulate, formulate.

Paul: who would have thought, hey?

Rachel: We've already alluded to some of the strange things we might end up doing as therapists, working with OCD and they can challenge us actually ourselves, our own assumptions and thoughts, you know, and those of people around us. My husband wasn't delighted at the idea I was taking our largest meat knife to work to have someone hold it against my throat. But there are other things we do, other things we may have as human beings doing this work. There are times when we have to challenge our own assumptions or fears and that can be demanding. How important is that, do you think, in CBT for OCD? And how do we both challenge those and look after ourselves in this work?

Paul: I think this is true across the entire fields, not just OCD, you know, that we have to do extraordinary things sometimes, for example, let's take putting your hand down lavatory, you know, it's not how I generally do it. If I go to the lavatory later, I'm not going to put my hand down it and then eat my lunch without washing my hands or whatever. So that's not the norm. However, I would do that. And it's really important that if you work with OCD and somebody's contaminated, you're prepared to do something like that to demonstrate it. Now, you have, you kind of need to, I can't think of a better way of putting it than, say, losing your behavioural experiment virginity across the piece, you've got, and that's where training needs to come in, you need to get off your seat, go to the lavatory or if you work with PTSD, take the patient back to the site after appropriate preparation to where the trauma happened, so that they can process it differently, and so on. I see that as no different. These extraordinary things that we have to do to actually help people is no different from the extraordinary actions of a surgeon who has to cut into somebody's skin, you know, in through to the organs and do all kinds of stuff and so on. And you're not just going to be able to do that by saying, well, all you need to do is take a scalpel and make an incision. In the same way, you know, saying to people, Oh, you just have to put your hand down the lavvy, that's not going to work. So you have to become familiar with it. And it has to be the thing I talked, I've talked about a bit earlier there, about helping people discover how the world really works. And how the world really works is that it is possible when I put my hand down the lavatory and then eat a sandwich straight afterwards or whatever, that I might get a few days’ worth of diarrhoea. Actually, in 47 years, that's not actually happened to the end, but it will one day probably.

Rachel: And you have had your hand down a toilet a lot!

Paul: A lot of different toilets. And so, okay, and then the patient might say, well, why would you do that? And the answer, the short answer is to help you. And the question I put to the patient is, look, you get a choice between putting your hand down the toilet and you might possibly have a bout of diarrhoea that will last two weeks. Really bad diarrhoea for two weeks. Okay, that's one thing, but the other thing is that if you don't do it, you might, I mean you wouldn't put it this way, but if you don't do it, then you might suffer from, you will definitely suffer from OCD for the remainder of your life. So choice, two weeks diarrhoea, a lifetime of OCD, it's actually not that difficult in the end.

The same goes for the extraordinary things we do. You know, in general, I don't do dangerous stuff, you know, if I'm not going to inject myself with live HIV because somebody's worried about HIV. I know that the toilet I put my hand down is cleaner than the keyboard that's sitting in front of me. There's more germs on that keyboard. I can tell you and your keyboard and all the rest of it than the toilet, but it kind of isn't the point. The point is about what the person's problem is and they need to be able to get it in perspective. And that perspective is you get your life back if you take some of those risks.

Rachel: And throughout talking today and knowing you, Paul, you always speak so warmly and compassionately, but also so admiringly of the patients that you have treated over the years. I wonder what you've learned from the patients you've worked with or how, if in any way this work has made a personal difference in life, your life, or the focus of your work.

Paul: that's a tough call. I've learned everything from my patients. I mean, as a clinician and as a researcher, then I've learned everything. I mean I've followed the patients. I've also followed, you know, the other giants mentioned Joe Wolpe, Tim Beck and there's Jack Rachman and that Clark chap and so on. So even

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